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4,22 __ THE LEAD ER, [STo. 423, May 1,18...
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A-SARDINIA. ON THE DANUBE. This question...
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SCOTTISH EUAN GUISES. Ox Thursday, the f...
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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The Elections In Paris. "Very Little Ins...
thousand electors refusing to vote . In the otheTj there was no return ; for the Government candidate , though he had most votes , had not one clear half . We must remember that MM . Liouville and Picard were totally unknown to the electors , until their names were posted on the walls . Not a single person ventured to say a single word in explanation of who they were , or what were their principles . Their names on sheets of blue paper decorated a few
pieces of dead wall . Nothing else whatever was done to secure their election . On the contrary , nearly all the Republican chiefs who formed the committees to discuss what was to be done , laboured for the last week in favour of abstention . The Opposition straggled irregularly and partially to the poll , not knowing- what to do . They suffered a defeat in one place , and made a drawn battle in the . other . The fact that Jules Pavre defended Orsiui
ensured his election in the "Faubourg St . Antoine . He Lad little else to plead in his favour ; but this "was enough . Some people may affect to be surprised or shocked . Yet , what other result could nave been expected ? If Orshri had expiated his crime alone , he might by this time have been almost forgotten . But the Government , in the blindness of anger and fear , determined , to make the whole of Prance responsible for the crime of a foreign fanatic and his accomplices . It gagged the press more effectually than before ; and introduced a law which enables thern to transport all Oppositionists bj "wholesale . How many individuals have really suffered will perhaps never be known until the heavy cloud of despotism which covers France is rolled away . The victims , however , may even now be counted by thousands .
It is clear , then , that the Government only is to blame for inducing the French workmen and liberals generally to make common-cause with Orsini . They ¦ were punished for his offence , and naturally sympathize with his fate . No doubt the election of Jules Favre is a dangerous symptom . It means that under all circumstances the Parisian population- are resolved to continue in opposition to the Empire , and
that they are ready to absolve any crime which shall deliver them from it . Well , our neighbours know their own sufferings best . It is useless to reason with them , and preach lessons of morality to them . All we can do is to note the signs of the times , so that our readers may not be deluded into the belief that France is absorbed in indignation against England for acquitting Bernard , whilst iu reality it has done its best to ratify that acquittal .
4,22 __ The Lead Er, [Sto. 423, May 1,18...
4 , 22 __ THE LEAD ER , [ STo . 423 , May 1 , 1885 ,
A-Sardinia. On The Danube. This Question...
A-SARDINIA . ON THE DANUBE . This question is to be brought before Parliament next Tuesday , by a man well fitted for the task . jMr . Gladstone—whose purest fume rests on his exposure of Neapolitan oppression;—is to move a resolution in favour of the union of the Principalities . To explain the present position of the subject , we must go back a little . At the Paris Conferences , Count Walcwski said that " as the union of the two Provinces satisfies the requirements brought to light by an attentive investigation into their true interests , the Congress
should admit and proclaim it , . " Lord Clarendon said that he " shared and supported this opinion ,, relying specially on the utility and expediency of taking into serious consideration the wishes of the people , which it is always right , " lie added , "to take into account , " ( Protocol No . 0 , March 8 . ) These opinions Lord Clarendon surrendered in liis subsequent diplomacy . He consented to concur with Turkey and Austria iu their opposition to any strong constitutional state on their frontiers . This opposition—natural enough in two despotic
powers more or less decreed- —is backed by two arguments more or less unfounded . It is said Unit the union would affect the integrity of Turkey . But the Principalities are not Turkey ; they nrc frontier appanages of the Sultan ' s regality , and have hail for years their own liberal institutions . To utiitc them is only to give them a better way of developing for their own good the institutions they now work without interference from any Turkish authority . It is as much a matter of infernal
improvement as an application by an ICnglish county ( o incorporate its divisions for 1 , ' lie facilitation of li ' scal business . The second argument is , that we should oppose the union because Jtussia supports if . In a doubtful case it might bo well to regard with increased suspicion any proposal backed up by Russia ; but in grave plain matters of fact the policy is mi her childish . A lilile consideration detects the motives of ' . Russian diplomacy in this question . Smarting from the war , . Russia
supported any proposition likely to annoy Turkey . Bui before the war Nicholas said to Sir Hamilton Seymour , in his private unreserved conversation : — "I will not have the Principalities made into a Sardinia on the Danube- —a refuge for the Kossuthsaud Mazzinis . " This was the true wish of Hussia , and we defeat it by encouraging the erection of-an independent state on the Danube . Honest sympathy with constitutional freedom is best for ourselves in the long run . The old school of politicians spent all their energies in . supporting Austria as the bulwark of Europe against Russia ; ; a newer school saw in constitutional states the best antagonism to Hussian power . The Crimean war tested both policies -. Austria -was neutral , Sardinia fought bv our side .
The following arc tlie terms of Mr . Gladstone ' s motion : — " That au humble address be presented toiler Majesty , to submit to her Majesty that this House , bearing hi mind the obligations iiuposed by the Treaty of Paris , so far as they aflect the Danubian Principalities , has observed with satisfaction the general tenor and spirit of tlie declaration recorded by her Majesty ' s Chief Plenipotentiary at the Conferences of 1856 , concerning the future organization of those territories ; and humbly to convey to her Majesty the earnest hope of this House , that , in the further pi-osecution of this important subject , just weight may be given to those -wishes of the people of Wallachia and of Moldavia which , through their representatives , elected in conformity with the said treaty , they have recently expressed . "
It will be seen that Mr . Gladstone thus endorses tlie opinion which Lord Clarendon expressed at the Paris Conference , but which he and Lord Pahnerston subsequently abandoned .
Scottish Euan Guises. Ox Thursday, The F...
SCOTTISH EUAN GUISES . Ox Thursday , the f > th ¦ of May , Mr . Caird , the member for Dartmouth , is to move a very important resolution with respect to the Scottish Franchises . It is to the effect that Scotland is entitled to a franchise equivalent to the forty-shilling freehold franchise of England and Wales . The proposal is one in which Englishmen will , most cheerfully acquiesce , and we arc glad to sec the ' people of Scotland taking practical steps to assimilate their electoral rights fco those enjoyed in the South , in place of fiercely ' discussing the angle at which the unicorn's tail should be raised in the national ensign . To show the importance of Mr . Caird ' s resolution to the Liberal cause in the sister kingdom , we propose to explain tlie present electoral system of Scotland , and the benefits which an extension of the ¦ forty-shilling franchise would confer . It is of importance to notice that the resolution cannot fairly be met by any plea for delay , urged by Government on the ground of a promised Reform Bill , as the resolution is only expressive of an opinion which Government will be expected to adopt in framing the Scotch Bill . The only franchises among our northern neighbours arc a ten-pound
property and fifty-pound occupancy qualification for counties , and ten-pound property or occupancy for burghs . There is nothing whatever correspondinjk to tlie fouty-shilling freehold franchise , and for electoral purposes burghs are declared to be not within but out of the counties . The counties also , unlike England , return the majority of members ; so that with th
Scotland is left in the hands of the lauded interest . \\\ the county of Mid-Lothian , for example , although it contains within it actually , if not politically , the burghs of Edinburgh , Leit ' h , Porl . obello , and Mussclburgli , the thriving town of Dalkcith , and numerous populous villages , the Duke of Bijccljsugu no sooner luul a son ripe for legislative honours than he issued his behests , and the sitting member , Sir Gbokge Cuvrk , retired , while the Earl of Dalkkitu , without a contest or a murmur , took his seat . The results of the present Scottish political system are otherwise , also , sullioiontly remarkable .
Ihc population of the counties of ' England and Wales is in round numhers 10 , 500 , 000 , and of the Scottish counties , 1 , 753 , 000 . The number nf county electors iu England and Wales is upwards of 500 , 000 ; in Scotland , only 19 , 537 , and this number includes many dead and disqualified persons , as there is no registration act for Hootch counties , and the registers are in u most disgraceful state . Scotland ought to have 88 , 000 county electors , comparing her county population with that of England and Wales . Or to take a more limited example . The county of Lanark
has a population of 53 , 0 , 000 , and only 3126 electors The four English counties and divisions of counties of East and North Yorkshire , Cheshire , Devonshire , um ] Staffordshire , possess each an average populatio n 52 S , 000 , or very nearly the same as Lanarkshire while the average number of electors in each is 17 , 995 . With these facts before us , it is not wonderful to find that an association has been formed , h Scotland for the purpose of obtaining au assimilation to the English franchises . The great difference hetwixt the proportion of electors to population in the two countries does not arise from difference of
wealth ,.. because in the special example we have given of the county of Lanark , there can be no doubt that it is , if anythiug , more nourishing than the counties with which we contrasted it . The disproportion arises from the want in Scotland of the forty-shilling franchise , and from the manner in which proprietors within burghs are shut out , from the county qualification . Not only are the small proprietors betwixt forty shillings and ten pounds entirely excluded from the franchise , whether the properties lie within or without burghs , but an individual might possess half the city of Glasgow and
still not be . privileged to vote as an elector of the county of Lanark . It is difficult with our English ideas to think of a commoner possessing the income of the Marquis of West iUNST tut from property within burgh , and still not be qualified to vote hi the county of Middlesex ; but so it is in Scotland . And even this is only a small part of tlie injustice under which the burghs of Scotland labour , when compared with England . The gross number of . English ' county , electors exceeds that of the burghs by-nearly 100 , 000 , notwithstanding which the burgh members more than , twice outnumber those for the counties .
It js quite proper that such a preponderance should exist in the Lower House , as the House of Lords is iu reality composed of members who more especially represent county interests . But in Scot laud , with a total of burgh electors as nearly as possible corresponding to the number of voters for counties ( 49 , GGS aud 49 , 537 ) , the burghs return seven members less than the counties . In England , again , there is one member for 22 , 071 of the burgh population ; in Ireland , one member to 22 , 51 : 2 ; but in Scotland , only one member to -19 , 396 of her burgh population . The mere extension of the forty-shilling
freehold system would not , of course , remedy ; m injustice of this latter nature ; but it is surely a strongargument why at least that modicum of reform ought to be granted , of permitting the possessors of property within burghs to qualify as county electors , wherever the properties arc not those upon which they arc registered as burgh voters . It would be a mere extension north of the Tweed of a right which has existed in England from time immemorial , because to the clear practical eye of Englishmen , while t he county was plainly not contained within the burgh , tho burgh was undoubtedly within the county , and very frequently conferred upon the county lands their
greatest value . A parliamentary return lias recently been , issued which shows that in England and Wales 95 , 171 out of 50-1 , 065 county clect . ors arc registered upon properties within cities aud boroughs which themselves return members to L ' arliamcnf . The whole of this numerous class of proprietors arc disfranchised in the Scottish counties ; so much so , that the wealthy and populous city of Glasgow possesses no more influence or control over the election for the county of Lanark , in which it is situated , than it possesses over the election for Middlesex . Sir E . ( Jolebrooke , not au extreme Liberal , was returned for the couulv bv a
narrow majority ; and it is generally believed that if a new contest were to take place , Mr . li . tillio Cochrane , whose views are pretty well known , would carry the election . An extension of the freehold system to Scotland would remedy such au anomalous state of things , although it is just possible that Sir E . Colebrooke and others of his class will have the suicidal follv to use their iiilLuenjoc against ; Mx . Caird ' s resolution .
Ihc Scotch movement to obtain the forty-shilling freehold franchise is opposed chiefly liy the old Edinburgh Whigs , from the notion , ap )> nivntly , that it wouhb-either increase the power of the Conservatives , or the power of tho people—they don't know very well which—but in any point of view they believe it would militate agumst Whirry , pure and undcliled . Thai ; is the secret spring of their opposition , but the argument publicly ' lorwai-d is that there are no freeholds in Scotland . It is quite true that 1 hc tenure of land is . so far different from the freehold of England , that there still subsists in Scotland a feature of the feudal system which was abolished hero by the Ural Jficl-
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), May 1, 1858, page 14, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_01051858/page/14/
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