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A COUiLT PARTY. Thos;e who watch closely...
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RESPONSIBLE GOVERNMENT. Among the ' dist...
Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.
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ygfa > y , I 3 B ,- ' EBA'j ) 8 it .. pSfo . 3 S 4 , Auau & T 1 , IBS ?
A Couilt Party. Thos;E Who Watch Closely...
A COUiLT PARTY . Thos ; e who watch closely the mores of the political game would not be surprised to discover that Lord Palmebstoii Tias resorted to certain peculiar' tactics in order to strengthen his position as First Minister . Whether "by design or fortuitously , his policy has been very successful in limiting the independent action of the House of Commons . It is fortunate for him that he happens to concur , on some points , with that' mysterious personage' mentioned by Mr . Ltgon , '
wishes everything to be transferred to Kensington , ' and whose speeches have just been published , members of Parliament being solicited by circular to take copies . It is * , probably , untrue that the National Grallery is to be removed ; but will any member of the House ask whether any resolution has been formed with respect to the Vernon " collection ? It may not be long before the VEBirotf pictures are among the Kensington not be
trees . Lord Pai ^ eerston may aware of it , of course ; but undoubtedly he , in this way , ingratiates himself with H . 3 J . H . —for the present . It is no reproach to Lord G-ran-VHiiiE to describe him as Courtly ; he is essentially of the "Windsor-Castle party , _ and since he became K . G-., has been touchingly petted . Now , what is the connexion between this almost royal Earl and the Viscount at the head of the Government ? More intimate
than public . May he not be a link between the Premier and his powerful friend ? and , as Lord Pai / MEBstok has turned upon Lord John UttsselIi , may not Earl GrBANViLiiE be glad to avenge hirnself upon the forward "Whig , in whose interest he was once deposed from the Presidentship of the Council ? Here is a glimpse of Camarilla combinations , especially when another courtly politician becomes an embryo Educational Minister , and stands with his back to the pseudo-Liberal Premier , and his affable face to the "Whigs . "We know not what permanent advantage Lord PaIiMEestoit can
anticipate from his sudden ' Boyal High ness ' alliance ; is he not afraid , when he has served a purpose , of being pinned to the wall ' like a ( political ) rat behind the arras , ' and deprived at once of courtly influence as well as of popularity ? But the one object of his life is to govern Parliament , and Parliament , this session , has been meek indeed . Does the public suppose that the loss of his Oaths Bill is a grief to the Premier ? Possibly it is ; but he is too perfect a master of tact not to perceive what benefit he may derive from the impracticable portion of the Tories . The rejection of the Jew Bill is a bar against Lord Debby ' s return to office . " While that
question remains unsettled the Whigs are safe ; and why should a Whig Minister go out of his way to remove * the Bar , by forcing the Oaths Bill through Parliament , and releasing Lord I ) bbbt and Mr . Wai ^ om ) from a situation of impossibility ? Thus , for the present , the Tories have locked themselves out by establishing an irreconcilable contradiction "between
themselves and a standing majority of the House of Commons . They might find a loophole in the Lords , although Lord Derby is a had manager , and not so ambitious as his lieutenants . But there is a Liberal opposition ? Undoubtedly , with Mr . BQEBxroK manoeuvring in front and breaking the force of every shock . It is either bis plan or his fate to strengthen the Government by everjr move he makes ; he leads a ehqm opposition in which the good men are swamped , and from him Lord Paj & mebston has nothing to fear . We truab that the First . Lord is not
insonsible to these- advantages—close and confi > dentinl relationship with tho Court , the Toriefc reduced to impracticability , tho Liberals , for
the most part , bewildered , because the member for whom , it was agreed last winter to form a following is doing ministerial work , and throwing his party into a state of dis * couragement and confusion . Probably , Mr . Roebuck understands by this time , that a number of the more spirited Liberals have systematically thrown , him off , and are acting in total independence of him or the dwindling band of retainers whom twice or thrice each , session he leads into a hole . On the occasion of the Persian debate Mr . Disraeli alluded to him . in covert terms as the member who managed the Liberals for the Government . We know not who has been
served by the Persian and Jewish votes , and by almost every other move of the session , if not the Premier .
Responsible Government. Among The ' Dist...
RESPONSIBLE GOVERNMENT . Among the ' distinguished emigrants ' bave sought refuge in the colonies , without causing that move to be mentioned among the fashionable departures , has been that somewhat parvenu party ' Responsible Government . ' In the quietness of his going he only conforms to the usage of gentlemen in embarrassed circumstances , but he is decidedly gone , or is packing up . Several events prove it . We have very able , kindhearted , well-informed men at the head of affairs , but they are not at present Parliamentary men . They are of the bureaucratic order . That is , we must necessarily watch them with jealousy . Our Premier , bred in the Foreign Office , is only Ambassador Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary at the Uepublie in the 3 NTew Houses of Parliament . He is an excellent fellow , and knows when to win by Fabian forms of attack ; for , like Miiton ' Eve , he is never so overcoming aswhenyielding . Sir
De Lact Evans brought forward his resolution , shaved down to the most * practical ' unobtrusiveness , for introducing ' competitive examination' as the rule on the admission of young men to the army . He was met by Williams oi Kabs , and even by Windham of the Redan , in a somewhat pooh-poohing Strain , and might easily have been thrown out , thoug . li still detrimentally struggling . But he was to be perfectly quieted ; and who could do it so well as the Premier
himself ? Instead of repulsion , be was met half way ; Eord Palmerston" offered to accept the competitive principle for the fltaff , though not for the whole army . This was not done coldly or reluctantly , hut in a really cordial manner ; and what was the consequence ? Sir Djq Lacx Evans ' s resolution was converted into one of approval of the Government . It lias been the same in other things . The Cabinet keeps ahead of the Administrative Reformers , and has bankrupted the joint-stock association set up for that special business . We get a number ¦ of improvements from the contractors who now do for us on the
Treasury Bench , and their name stands high , and will stand high , as supplying useful reforms ; of which several are always kept on hand . But we are not eure that the effect is tho heat politically . The Government does what it must or what it likes . It cedes to the House of Commons without the letist pride , but expects the quid pro quo-r-the House must occasionally yield xn turn . Mutual concession is the rule ; but it is a
game at which two can not play equally , especially when it is carried on between , ono long head , and six hundred and fifty odd , tong , short , square , round , of all sizes and shapes , and easily set at loggerheads . The fact is , that the House of Commons ought to bo the final arbitox * in all things save state proseoujfciona , which go to the Lords , and in distribution of honours , which belong to the Grown
but by the new practice of a commonplace virtue , the House is getting to share the ais posal of public affairs with , the Cabinet , or authorities behind the Cabinet . There are some striking instances . Some * hody has resolved to found a Museum of Patents at Kensington : who is it ? The question was put in the House by Mr . Ltgon .
" Who is the mysterious personage ? " No answer whatever was given to this question Who hought the jKrttgek , collection of pic . tures ? No answer ; yet , on the new principle of going halves in authority over the public property , the House gave the money for these unauthorised proceedings . Politeness is undermining its independence . It is understood that the Vebnok collection is to follow
to the ' Court Suburb , ' Kensington ; and some say the National Gallery also . Now , who wants these things to betaken out of town , six , or seven , or eight miles from working men ' s quarters ? Not the Public , whose property they are ; not Parliament , trustee for the public property ; not Palmkeston , who really does not care about it . What peceant P . is it that is walking off with our things ? Ministers won't even tell us , and the House of Commons has lost the courage either to demand disclosure and
discontinuance . This indicates some progress m demoralization . Even the Ministerial submissions may be turned to account . Lord Naas forces Ministers to accept an arrangement for the Civil Service , of a kind which the Cabinet does not really approve , and Lord Palmerston gives in . Now this is not quite proper . A Ministry should not consent to accept any measure which it conscientiously disapproves ;
and there are only two courses in the case of such a project being pertinaciously offered to Ministers—one , if the measure is unimportant , to defer it until another Government is in power ; the other , if the measure is important , for the Minister to resign . By the present arrangement the House of Commons becomes responsible ; it is placed in a false position ; and the Cabinet has a concession set down on the credit side of its
account , which is really of no value to the public , but will enable the Cabinet to demand some other concession . Possibly some other foreign marriage , with a dowry and an allowance , adverse to every interest of the British people . The principle of bartering mutual concessions belongs to a certain class of statesmanship ; it is the same class which has for its idol « the Balance of Power in Europe . ' The * Balance of Power' means the arrest of antagonistic principles in Europe -, it means , for instance , the prevention of any process for tho
extending constitutional government on Contiuent . It means , not to let Sardinia rise ; not to let Austria fall ; not to let Russia encroach , but yet not to crush her . Imperial France is about to visit Osborne , some say to reassure our virtuous Qiteen on tho subject of the alliance ; for there haa been a suspicion that Trance would subserve the purposes ot Russia in India . England is in difficulties just now , and Prance is to bo magnanimous . It is not easy to shut out the idea that . France would be rather pleased if a concession were made on our side- —if not an equiin
valent , afc least some trifle ; such , for - stance , as the expulsion of political refugees . It is a quid pro qiw in which tho profit would be all on this side , afc least in the official view , —France to guarantee India ngauisu Russia , England to guarantee France against Mazziwc and Lwdiut Rolxkjt . - How do we stand on these points P wo cannot got the slightest information . Information , in fact , is about the last thing wo can get . The Commons are losing then
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), Aug. 1, 1857, page 14, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_01081857/page/14/
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