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DEcfekkfefeit 4, 1852.] THE LEADER, 1159
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A MODEL CONSERVATIVE. To W. 33. may be a...
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THE GAREISON INVISIBLES AT STAFFORD HOUS...
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THE TOOTH AS IT IS IN BUDH. In the face ...
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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Augmentation Of The Forces. The Increase...
jn the , military departments . When we understand too , though we can in no degree vouch for the fact , that a hundred police have been sent over to Paris to fraternise with the police in that capital , and to learn how to discriminate between safe and dangerous politicians , we must have a fear that Austrian principles have obtained a footing in our departments ; nay , that they regulate the practical administration of this country . In snort , there are signs in the conduct of the Government which make us fear that
our responsible rulers sympathize much more with that particular person who is most likely to be the invader of this country , than they sympathize with the English people . Under such circumstances the second safeguard to the increase of the standing army is in serious danger—for that safeguard is public opinion , and we find our rulers suppressing public-opinion . Nay , we find our more influential classes acquiescing in that suppression . But a recognition of the danger is the first step towards counteracting it . The best
counteractive to the resistance of a standing army is a manly population , and perfect liberty of opinion , wherever opinion may find expression . It is time , therefore , that the people of this country should look after the insidious conduct of those departments in the Government which are not military , because we are called upon , under circumstances that forbid refusal , to increase that standing army which may hereafter , should it not be antagonized by the proper influences , lie at the disposal of an Absolutist Government in Downing-street .
Decfekkfefeit 4, 1852.] The Leader, 1159
DEcfekkfefeit 4 , 1852 . ] THE LEADER , 1159
A Model Conservative. To W. 33. May Be A...
A MODEL CONSERVATIVE . To W . 33 . may be assigned the merit of having furnished the best possible illustration of the system to which Conservatives adhere as safer than an extended franchise . When Conservatives object to grant a national suffrage , they always allege that they have no desire to exclude the people , but that a suffrage extended to the general Ibody of the people might be dangerous in its working , and that they prefer to rely upon a franchise limited as it is , or , as they say , upon our existing institutions . We want to Jmow , then , bow these existing institutions work , and , above all , it is satisfactory when we see these institutions worked under the personal supervision of discreet and Conservative statesmen .
W . B . is a model Conservative , a model Protectionist , and when he is engaged with his own hand in working one of our model institutions , we may suppose that we have the very perfection of practical statesmanship . We find that working to be peculiar . The Protectionists professed , in the general election , to consult the opinion of the country on the subject of Protection or Free-trade , and wo want to see how a Protectionist submitted that proposition to the country . From the disclosures rnado by Sir Alexander Cockburn , tho process
appears to be this . When a distinguished Protectionist wishes to consult the opinion of tho town of Derby on a great national question , ho asks for " a good safe man , with judgment and quickness , " not in Derby , but in Shrewsbury . But thin " good quick man , " who comes from Shrewsbury to work the appeal in Derby , must pretend that he comes from Chester . That seems to be an essential part of tho process . Another essential of the process \ a , that lie must go to an himself
inn at a central part of the town , conceal in a room which has a separate entrance and a separate exit , and ho must have a plan for eluding the police . Ho must then possess a eon-Biderablo amount of money , which , by another essential in tlie process , he must call " horsonails ; " and , with that money , ho must bribe a sufficient number of electors in the town of Derby , according to the private wishes of tho directing Conservative . Very good ; we now boo how our model institution works . When a
gentleman specially interested i » maintaining our iiiHtitutions , wishes to ascertain "tho opinion of the country , " ho does it in Huh wine : wishing to consult DoVby he sends a man from Shrewsbury , trained in avoiding the police , and pretending that li » ( ioinoH from Chester ; tho man brin ^ with him money , which he calls " horse-nails ; " and !»< ' g'vos these horse-nailH to a sufficient number of tho moro corruptible voters , to ganiHay the roal opinion of Derby , und make it scorn as if 'he opinion of Derby wore- tho name as tho private opinion of W . ft . We can now undortftuud why those gentlemen
of the " ancient ways" object to extension of the franchise . It is evident that if the franchise were extended to embrace the bulk of the English people , it would be much more difficult for any W . B . to dictate in a particular town . W . B . sitting in Downing-street would require a much larger number of" good quick men" and a much larger supply of "horse-nails" thanW . B . can command ; for even at present he confesses
with regret that he has not always horse-nails enough to turn out a Strutt . One can perceive that if there were a much larger demand for good quick men the expense of that article would be greatly increased . Already the good quick man who went from Shrewsbury to Derby , vid Chester , sneered at the moderate amount which the modest people expected for the votes they sold ; but if there were an increase to the business
of good quick men , they would of course expect , not only we might suppose more fees , but larger fees . They would prove very ostriches in the devouring of horse-nails to their own share . The only mistake that appears to have been committed on the part of W . 3 . is his too great trust in his agents . It is not every subordinate that can feel the same patriotic desire to consult these secrets of patent statemanship . It is evident that he relied too much on the Frail sect .
W . B . has stooped to folly , and found too late that good quick men betray . Frailty , thy name is W . B .
The Gareison Invisibles At Stafford Hous...
THE GAREISON INVISIBLES AT STAFFORD HOUSE . When time had applied its cooling snows to the temples of Sinaldo , he probably thought of the blandishments of Alcina , less with indignation than regret . To do wrong is grievous to the mindful conscience , when the wrong has been ugly and unpleasant ; but when it has been delicious , the sin is but the spice of the delight ; and as the criminal said when the judge reprimanded him , " My lord , I glory in it . " With our austerest sense of justice and policy , had it been our fortune to be inveigled into the saloons of Stafford House , on Monday last , we are perfectly certain that our American sympathies , our practical anxiety for the future of the Black po-§ ulation in that republic , our regard for the true ignity of England , our common sense , would all have clean vanished , and we should have been Abolitionists par amours . Lord Shaftesbury perfectly understands how to inveigle public opinion , when he engages the charming and titled Alcinas to entice English opinion into an Abolitionist Bower of Bliss , such as Stafford House . Lord Shaftesbury knows the art of using decoys . Let his example be profitable to leaders of Parliament . Turn " the women of England" upon the Opposition in the Commons , ana the stoutest of Eatficals would rush into the
lobb y with Shaftesbury . After the most elegant of orgies , reason is apt to feel a headache ; and wo may ask ourselves whether this seductive method of politics be the most wholesome . The austere responsibility of the morrow is apt to scrutinize , perhaps somewhat harshly , the seductions of tho eve ; and we may enquire whether Lord Shaftesbury's agitating hareem really constitute " tlie women of England . " Wo are not apt to find amongst tho women of England so large a proportion of titles . It appears to us upon tho whole much moro like an evening party , or a semi-scientific soiree on the eve of n . n election . There were , indeed , some ladies
who felt tho gross impropriety of appearing in that saloon attached to the theatre of politics . They saw that English women parading in a festival of political sympathy , might bo reproached with tho slaves whom they employ vA , homo to deck them out for that very gala . 'For many of the women there assembled woro dressed in habiliments prepared by white women whoso condition , whose compulsory toil , whoso hard-Hhip . s , whoso agony of existence , is for endurance beyond all comparison with that of any Negro in
tho whole Union . Look through that assemblage ; take tho gay apparel off tho charming form oil which it sol ' s so woll ; carry it back into tho room in which it was made , and ask her who inudo it whether she would hesitate to exchange with tho Negro for whom tho wearer was agitating ? Other ladies remembered that l ^ uglish women have no business to trifle with ( ho institutions of foreign countries ; others remembered that , ovon eloso to fho persons of thcHc Kitino agitators , there aro slaves who may be compared , with tho most
unfortunate of the mixed races in America , companions and governesses—slaves trained to enjoy refined society , whose habitual life it is to endure the ignoring of their companions , intentional slight , hourly mortification . We are not alone in perceiving the gross improprieties of this movement . We acquit the ladies . We are certain that amongst the large number there , whatever little vanity there may have been on the surface , the prevalent impulse was a generous feeling . The person we accuse is Lord Shaftesbury ; who has been content to take a
canting and superficial view of the subject ; who , Conservative as he is , has rashly undertaken to shake American politics in their most difficult part , and has seduced the titled women of England into his service , as decoys and handmaids . If there is discredit to them in their false position before the public , it is due to his most unseemly measure in dragging them forth—iu subjecting them to these protests—in making them the object of the judicious sarcasms of the Times ,
not the less cutting because lightly and pleasantly worded . There is indeed a sound public opinion growing up in this country , teaching the public writers that the question Avhich they have formerly handled in so summary a manner is too difficult for them to settle ; although it is not too difficult to have engaged the most earnest and vigorous intellects of America , now patiently working for its ultimate solution . To them wo must leave it .
If we wanted a proof of the excessive inconvenience which must result from interfering , we might ^ point to the difficult case in JN ew York . Worth and South have to consider , not only the working of the Fugitive Slave Act , sufficiently troublesome in itself , but the many collateral and branching forms in which the temporary custody of slaves in a free State will continue to present itself . It is by the discussion of these collateral questions that the healthy public opinion of the UniteH States will develope itself . The ladies of England , in Stafford House assembled , cannot aid that hard and troublesome discussion ; but the impertinent intrusion of Lord Shaftesbury ' s dictation might do mischief . The less , however , since the announcement of his indecorum , will bo
accompanied by the powerful qualification from the dissidents , from the Times , and other members of the public press .
The Tooth As It Is In Budh. In The Face ...
THE TOOTH AS IT IS IN BUDH . In the face of Inglis , Sir John Pakington uttered some alarming principles and announcements . The ostensible subject was Uudh , but the real subject was much more comprehensive . Sir liobert had put leading questions as to tho complicity of the Government in certain idolatrous practices of Ceylon ; and , although replying on a subject of religious truth , Sir John so far forgot
himself as to remind tho querist that there were " treaty obligations ! " On slighter ground I luui such a reply many a man has been called " infidol . " What are trenty obligations with I he heathenP No doubt it is very heinous in fho Pope to absolve his faithful from their treaty obligations , because the Pope is an " idolator ;" bul since wo Protestants have ; hold of the truth .
the real infallible truth , we poHsess a divine test to distinguish between right and wrong ; ami wo know that there can bo no obligation , even b y treaty , binding upon file owners of a true faith towards " idolators . " That axiom they reeogniso in Ceylon ; but Sir . John Pakington goes ho far as to deny the canon . Although n , Conservative , and " serious" in religious matters , "he will bo no party to any mich principle . " We quote : his own words . Positively he recognises temporals as equal , between man and man , to spiritual obligations ; and in bis capacity of Secretary of the Colonies does not acknowledge his didy to determine what is final truth .
However , by dint of recognising treaty obligations , an id surrendering certain land as a , Kiibsfifufe for a yearly tribute lo Hudh , Sir . John has got over the ' difficulty ; and the Ceylon (« ovorninenf has barked out of its direct participation in tho mystericN . Jt luis ceased to l > o custodian of tho sacred tooth . This ought , to bo satisfnetory to fho iconoclast interest , of which Sir Robert fuglis in the representative . Ar . d yet , if implies u furlhrr proposition which oi ' gbl , to be alarming . Lei uh remember that I ho Iiudhist perHiiiiHioii was a religion us by law established ; ho that Sir . John Iuih disestablished an establishment— -has Hovered a connexion between Church
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), Dec. 4, 1852, page 11, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_04121852/page/11/
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