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July 5, 1856.] THE LEADiERj 641
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SINGER'S SIIAlvSPEARE. The Dramatic Work...
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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The Subalpine Kustgdqm. The Subujpine Ki...
more extensively , perhaps , than those of any unofficial English paper , and we now learn that one of the ministerial writers , in order to cut off the point of the Leaders opinions , has explained to the Piedmontese that we are Hungarian refugees , and that ou $ b is a purely foreign and revolutionary inspiration . W e think the ingenuity of this idea is admirable , but then its audacity is also very fine . The press in Sardinia , however , is not completely free . Its political offences are liable to inquisition before a jury , but attacks on the dogmas of the Catholic Church may be punished by an irresponsible tribunal of judges . This distinction dates from 1852 , being one of the novelties introduced at the instigation of tlie French Emperor . The Government would , apparently , be more liberal if it dared . When its own acts are criticized , it rarely interferes ; but when reference is made to him
who cannot bear criticism , but who is , nevertheless , the saviour ol society , the police are called in , for the young civilization of Piedmont is dismally m fear of the power that rescued the ancient civilization in France . Mr . St . John notices seriatim the ministerial , liberal , reactionary , and ecclesiastical journals , indicating the orig in and influence of each . He then proceeds to religious matters—to the deep hold which Catholicism still has in Piedmont , to the fact that it is declared , by the first article of the Constitution , the religion of the state , that Protestant proselytism is illegal , that the Catholic propagand is exceedingly active , that Count Cavour is a believer in modern miracles , that the centre of oppression in Italy is not in the Legations , not in Naples , but in Rome , protected by the Empire of Morality : —
We all know that nothing but the presence of French troops prevents the Romans from rising and spurning the hatred Papacy into the sea . But this means revolution , —this means democracy , republicanism ; or else this means foreign conquest and iron tyranny ! "Who but a few dull diplomatists can imagine the quiet succession of a monarchical constitution with King , Lords , and Commons , all created by articles and clauses -written on a piece of paper—to a Theocracy of fifteen hundred years' standing ! Have we another Otho or Leopold to reign over the Trarilteverim ? Is there a single human being who can imagine Victor Emmanuel II . son and widower of an Austrian , princess , packing up his carpet-bag , leaving Turin , and going to reign in
the City of the Seven Hills ? What would the Turinese say ? and what the Romans ? We are told that the Liberal party of Piedmont and Italy , all but a few impracticable men , have rallied round Count Cavour . They have not opposed him , because it is not their cue to interfere with any attack on the Papacy ; and they wish to compromise the Sardinian Government as far as possible in their war against the Church . But with the exception , of a few dreamy exiles—made credulous by suffering—I am persuaded that the greatest anxiety and alarm is felt among the Liberals . They know what terrible consequences follow when Louis Napoleon Bonaparte writes liberal letters , suggests memoranda , and shows an interest in suffering nations !
This chapter , on the religious question in Piedmont , is one that will probably be looked to with particular interest . The sum of it is , that the people in general " only desire to eradicate some of the abuses of the Church , * and that the Governm ent on every occasion has been a timid interpreter of these tendencies . In the chapter on education occurs the following passage : — The small party that presumptuously calls itself Rationalist , is of course not recognized by statistics . It doe 3 not seem to be in great favour ; but unfortunately a good many of the Liberal leaders have adopted that dreary doctrine , partly seduced by its name , partly driven irrevo « ably away from anything that has connexion with
Christianity by the fearful crimes committed under cover of that faith by the friends of Rome . These persons make the same mistake as the French philosophers . They have undertaken to drain the human mind of religions ideas , and work for that purpose very industriously ; but they have set up their pump by the margin of an ocean into which the rivers , and the torrents , and the rains of heaven are perpetually pouring , in defiance of their puny industry , which indeed has nowhere to put what it takes away , and is compelled to send it back by other channels whence it came . What learning , what eloquence , what courage , what perseverance , have been expended in this monstrous undertaking ! Enough , certainly , to regenerate and moralize the world . They have been at it for three centuries , and the Jesuits are more powerful now than ever .
This is the view taken by the body of English liberals . The opposite doctrine , besides implying a contempt of the human understanding , has been the bli g ht of liberal ideas . " Crime and Punishments , " " Piedmontese Workmen and the Anglo-Italian Legion , " "The People and the Lottery , " " The Piedmontese Theatre , " and the " Traditions of Piedmont , " lead up to a chapter on Constitutionalism in Piedmont . Before touching this a page must be quoted by the way : — As speech affords the chief clement in the definition of our species , I may bo permitted to place merely " musical people" on the extreme verge of humanity towards the frontiers of beastdom . I know that in so saying I expose myself to all manner
of sneers and witty retorts , — " Tlio man that has no music , " & c . But I have all political philosophers and stern moralists on my side . Observe in private life : whenever you meet an individual whose occupation or , chief pleasure is music ; who tulks much of Erard ; who pesters you with his opinion that Beethoven und Shakspearo are on the same level ; who produces a Jew's harp , or any other instrument , in the midst of conversation , and proposes a " little rational amusement , " be sure he will take an opportunity of telling you that he does not care about politics , — that is to say , i 8 indifli- 'rent to the general interests of humanity . It is my private conviction that every , man in a free country who tells you that ho doesn ' t cure about politics , makes a profession of dishonesty—because ho profits l ) y the advantages without sharing the fatigues of freedom .
That wo Avould wish to see taken ns the text of incessant preaching . But Mr . Baylo St . John ' s speciul views—which will have to work against preconceived ideas in England—arc apparent in his account of Italian constitutionalism : — In Piedmont I nm not content to see a lie Galantuomo , as they call him , with obutinato imt limited virtue , abide by the letter of a Constitution which hi . s father gave aa a temporary expedient ; and do nothing to make that Constitution loved . The impression produced by his conduct is , that ho feels contempt and distaste for the forms which ho so scrupulously maintains , as it is pertinaciously repeated , because ho haa sworn to do ao . It is not hia business , ho seems to think , to aaBiat in adapting them to the circiimetanoca 6 f tho country . There they are , make what you can of them . Ho is a soldier , a mere- soldier—cannot understand what all these babblcra are about—is determined to let them do as they pleoao , provided of course that hia prerogatives and hia civil Hat aro not interfered with—but foehji certain that in tho end
the country will be tired and disgusted , and -will fall back again for rest and comfort into the arms of a paternal monarchy ! This , probably , is the truth , and what Mr . St . John says of Count Cavour may also be true ; but , though we are willing to adopt his report on the king ' s character , we have a serious difficulty in accepting his opinion of the minister . He compares him with Sir Robert Peel . Is that reproach , or flattery ? Cavour is , at least , better than the ignominious ministers of oppression . He has been the author of benefit to Italy . He has not been an imitator of Metternich , on a small scale ; he has not even been a petty reproduction of
Guizot . If he has served the Savoyard dynasty , and has been unable to comprehend the higher and purer aims of the Liberal party , that is little surprising or disgraceful on the part of a statesman in a country where Constitutionalism is not yet ten years old . The Liberal party , disbelieving in monarchical patriotism , is , no doubt , that which reads history aright , and studies most philosophically the aims and aspirations of the Italian people ; yet it is something to have an Italian minister devoted to the cause of an Italian dynasty , instead of being the impure sycophant of a foreign tyranny . Still , what follows cannot but engage our serious attention : —
Experience teaches me , however , that the Piedmontese politicians are more in want of criticism than praise . They have taken the panegyrics of our press and our statesmen far too literally ; and instead of continuing the good work of regeneration , are inclined to stand still , admiring themselves , and giving the world an opportunity to admire likewise . Of course , it is preposterous to imagine that Italy would ever consent to be governed from Turin . Brofferio ' s idea of " the United Italian" States seems a reasonable solution of the problem ; Valerio ' s is different ; for he thinks that the upper provinces might be united under a Constitutional sceptre , while Manin dreams of Unity and Unification . Mr . St . John inclines to the idea of a Constituent Assembly to found an Italian Constitution , addiner —
Perhaps it will be necessary , considering our love of compromise , as a temporary arrangement , to make Lombardy a province of the Sardinian monarchy . But why should we shut our eyes to the fact , that a very large proportion of the Lombards do not desire this consummation ? Those who do desire it warmly are a fraction of the aristocratic classes , who nourish for very good reasons an undying hatred to Austria , but who are equally averse to democracy ; and who expect to be protected from the one at the same time that they escape from the other , by rallying round an already established throne . The forms of a constitutional government are extremely agreeable to them . They look forward with pleasure to becoming senators , deputies , ministers , to holding places of high honour and emolument . Gold lace , ribbons , and decorations are an attraction to the less intellectual . The prospect of moderate
freedom , the advantages and pleasures of which will be concentrated chiefly in one class , they consider very alluring . The odious prejudices of race and high birth are peculiarly developed among them . They do not hate a Croate more than they despise a plebeian , but fear has taught them to be as condescending to one as they are polite to another . Their manners , therefore , are not particularly haughty or offensive ; but you should hear them speak of Mazzini , the great Italian of this century ! Their tone is then as disgraceful and bitter as that of the Piedmontese courtiers themselves . For my part , I can feel little sympathy for men -who are thus eager to repudiate a debt of gratitude . It is not necessary to share M . Mazzini ' s views on all points ; but I heartily wish that any Italian who reviles that indefatigable worker in the cause of liberty may remain for ever under the despotism of a Radetzky or an Antonelli .
His course lies thenceforward through the political subjects connected with Italy , though these are developed , not disquisitionaiJy but descriptively , —the several points being illustrated , rather than argued . What these subjects are the headings of chapters will show : — " The House of Savoy , " " Representation and Royalty , " Parliamentary Studies , " " Count Cavour and his Ministry , " " The Reactionary Party , " " Origin of Liberalism in Piedmont , " " Angelo Brofierio , " "Lorenzo Valerio , " "Lombards in Piedmont , " " Army and Navy of Piedmont , " " Here and There in Piedmont , " and " Genoa . " These topics are discussed b y Mr . St . John from the point of view of advanced Liberalism , the allusions to EngHsh affairs being in the sense of the new school of politicians , which seeks to invest the people at large with power , and to qualify them for its exercise . This is his commentary on the history of France , from 1851 to 1856 : —
I leaped ashore at Genoa , —not at the Genoa of Charles Albert , but at the Genoa of Andreas Doria . There was his palace with its many pillars , dropping as it were in showers towards the waters of the port within the new mole . He had a fleet of his own , manned by soldiers and sailors and slaves of his own , always moored close at hand . A strange power for a citizen of a free state ! But he never abused itnever attempted n coup d ' etat of any kind . That atrocity was planned in his time , however , by Fieschi , who did not succeed , and therefore did not become an idol . He was foolish enough to allow himself to be stifled in the mud , dragged down by the weight of his armour there in the arsenal—an appropriate fate for an emperor in embryo . Schiller represents him as drowned by a republican accomplice , to whom he muttered too soon about tho purple . Whatever bo the truth , anathema on him ! Ho should have obtained tho government of the republic—sworn to defend it against all enemies—thrust the state twenty times to the verge of ruin , in order to appear at tho right moment aa its saviour—bought and corrupted all officials—and , finally , have done tho deed cleverly at night , when all honest citizens were in bed . Ho might then have founded a dynasty , and would moat certainly have been styled , not an infamous wretch , not a pirate , not a parricide , but a " good and a great prince !"
We have now done with Mr . St . John ' s book . Upon its literary qualities , or the place that should be assigned it as a political study , we have preferred not to oiler an opinion .
July 5, 1856.] The Leadierj 641
July 5 , 1856 . ] THE LEADiERj 641
Singer's Siialvspeare. The Dramatic Work...
SINGER'S SIIAlvSPEARE . The Dramatic Works of William Shakespeare , the Text carefully revised , toMi Notes . By Samuel Weller Singer . —The Life of the Poet , and Critical Essaya on the Plays . By William Watkiaa Lloyd . Bell a « d »« wy . Six of the promised ten volumes enable us to form an opinion of this edition . First , as to externals : the iyva is good , tho page small , and tko volume pockctable—a very desirable thing with so companionable a poet . Tho illustrations are superbly bad ; they are almost worth preserving as specimens . Or tlio text , aill wo venture to say is that it has undergone the revision ot Mr . Sin « or ' s jealous eye , which means n groat < loal , both for good and bad ; Mr . Singer being one of the learned Shnkspcarittn students , and having the full
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), July 5, 1856, page 17, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_05071856/page/17/
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