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November 6, 1852.] THE LEADER. 1055
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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Mr. Macaulay's Great Speech At Edinburgh...
¦ Runs and the Vandals to come that should again destroy lization ? Alas , it had not occurred to them that emotion itself might engender the barbarism that would fstrov it . I * had not occurrc . d to tnem tnafc in tne heart four great cap itals , in the neighbourhood of our splendid alaces and churches , and theatres , and libraries , and mnmms vice , ignorance , and misery might produce a race f Huns fiercer than those that marched under Attila—of V ndals more bent on destruction than those that followed Genseric { loud cheers ) . Such was the danger . It passed bv civilization was saved , but at what a price . The tide of popular feeling turned—it ebbed almost as fast as - , j ^ rigen . Imprudent and obstinate opposition to reasonable demands had brought on anarchy—and as soon as
men saw the evils of anarchy they fled in terror , to crouch under despotism . To the dominion of mobs armed with pikes , succeeded the sterner and more lasting dominion of disciplined armies . The Papacy rose from its debasement rose more intolerant and insolent than ever—as intolerant and insolent as it had been in the days of Hildebrand —intolerant and insolent to a degree which dismayed and disappointed those who had fondl y cherished the hope that its spirit had been modified—mitigated by the lapse of ears and the progress of knowledge ( cheers . ) Through the whole of that vast region where little more than four years ago we looked in vain for stable authority , we now look equally in vain for any trace of constitutional freedom . " .
We were exempt ; madness did not subvert our throne , nor reaction our liberties . And why was our country a land of G-oshen ? Everywhere else thunder fire running along the ground—a storm such as there was none like it since man was on earth—yet everything was tranquil here . We owe this to our noble constitution . Let us profit by the lesson , —prize that constitution ; purify itamend it—but not destroy it . " If we love civil and religious freedom , let us in every day of danger uphold law and order ; if we are zealous for law and order , let us prize , as the best security of that law and order , civil and religious freedom . ( Cheers . ) Yes , gentlemen , the reason why our liberties remain in the midst of the general servitude—the reason why the Habeas
Corpus Act has never in this island been suspended—why we have still the liberty of , association—why our representative system stands yet in its full strength—is this , that in the year of revolution we stood firmly by the Government in its peril ; and , if you ask me why we stood by the Government in its peril—when men around us were engaged in pulling their Governments down—I answer , it was because we knew that our Government , though-not a perfect , was a good Government—that its faults admitted of peaceable and legal remedies—that it was never inflexible to just demands—that we had obtained concessions of inestimable value—not by beating the drum , by sounding the tocsin , by tearing up the pavements of the streets , or by running to the gunsmiths' shops for armsbut by the mere force of reason and public opinion . ( Loud cheers . ) And , gentlemen , pre-eminent among those iniui lu «
pacific victories of reason anrl ,-vu- ^ . ™ £ ^; ¦ } . % /• . w r . i . 1 ^** uuicny J . believe carried us sate- through , nrst the year of revolution , and then the year of counter-revolution , I would p lace two great reforms which are inseparably associated—the one with the memory of an illustrious man who is now beyond the reach of envy , the other as closely associated with the name of another illustrious man who is still , and I hope long will be living , to be the mark for detraction . I speak of the great commercial reform of 1846 , the work of Sir Robert Peel , and of ¦ ilie Reform . Bill of 1832 , brought in by Lord John Russell . ( Cheers . ) I particularly call your attention to those two groat reforms , because , in my opinion , it will be the special dut y of the House of Commons , in which , by your distinguished favour , I have a seat , to defend the commercial reform of Sir Robert Peel—to perfect and amend the parliamentary reform of Lord John Russell . " ( Cheers . )
Ah to commercial reform , ho doubted whether any direct attack neod bo apprehended . From the Ministerial speeches it was impossible to draw any inference whatever ; because they furnished passages proving the speakers to bo Protectionists , and passages proving them to be Freo'nulm \ s . " 1 loft London in the heat of the elections . I was forced to leave for Bristol . I . left the Tory candidate for Westminster and the Tory candidate for Middlesex proclaiming themselves Free-traders . All along my journey thr ough Berkshire and Wiltshire I heard nothing but tho c of Derby and Protection ; but so soon as f got to ¦ I'rmlo ] , I heard the cry of Derby and Free-trade again . ( Ur out laughter and cheering ) Then , again , on the ono £ 1 ( ' « of tho Wash you had Lord Stanley , ITnder-seeretary lor Forei gn Affairs—a young nobleman of greatprorni . se—[ young nobleman who appears to mo to have inherited a lr
" £ " portion of his father ' s ability and energy : he hold tangling ,, ;( , ] l wftH universall y ' understood to intimate ' ¦'" it the Government of his father had altogether uban-• oiU'd Protection . Ho addressed a town population ; but ' " ¦ h , oil tho otil ( , H |< i 0 of du , y \ r ) 1 ] l ( , , ,, ] , „ Cha ,,. I or ° '' the Duch y of Lancaster , who addressed tho agricultural constituency of Lincolnshire . Somo one puts to "" " | h o question , 'What will you do if Lord Derb y ! ' » iiii < l ( mn Protection ? ' Tho hypothesis was monstrous and "Hulling . 11 o said , 1 will not answer a question ( hut is ^ uorogatory to Lord Derby . I stand by Lord Derby , ^ wiuiso L am certain ho will not abandon Protection . ' liol | ' ° I " ' » delivered by two eminent persons , ''¦ 'V () 1 them beliovod to know tho mind of tho
Govern-, I T ' iorUl > un < 1 ( l " W (! n ) ( al " "P 1 ) V lc ) HH distin-; : . ,- " !( l candidate . Thoro was , " for instance , tho Tory Cl ' i i " > l" '"'"• • 'HterHhire , who Hays , ' I stand by Mr . II ' ^'" P'lor . J believe in him — no long us you hoo him in ( , ; ' . V ' > V (! r » menl . , Protection is Halo . ' I Jut when I go to m l || 1 ' ,, " n \ y -whi ch iH in fact a town population , a mom < m oi I'ondon -I find tho Tory candidate Haying , unil . j " ml Mr . Christopher , he in " not in tho Cabinet , Nluttl ' > ) vv " o ' hing about tho matter ; I wwear by Lord ov ( daughter and cheers . ) Nay , to such a degree
has this been carried , that we find different men , who have changed their own former notes and opinions if they happen to have passed from one class of the constituency to the other . Take , for instance , Lord Maidstone . He used to be one of the most vehement Protectionists in England . He published a small volume—I do not know if any of you have seen it , but as I am an elector for Westminster , and as Lord Maidstone stood as candidate for Westminster , I thought it my duty to buy the book , that I might know his opinions . The book is entitled Freetrade Hexameters .- Of its poetical merits I shall not presume to pronounce an opinion . Indeed , you may form an opinion by ordering copies for yourselves , for I found , on ordering a copy of the publisher , in Bond-street , that
the supply on hand was still very considerable . ( Great laughter . ) But of the political merits of Lord Maidstone ' a hexameters I can speak with confidence , for it is impossible to conceive anything fiercer or more bitter than the attack—according to the measure of the power of the assailant —( laughter)—which he there makes on the policy of Sir Robert Peel . Well , and on the other hand , there is Sir Fitzroy Kelly , the Solicitor-General to the present Ministry—who was Solicitor-General under Sir Robert Peel—who voted for all Sir Robert Peel ' s Free-trade measures , and who ( doubtless from regard to the public interests , which would suffer greatly by the retirement of so able a lawyer from the service of the Crown ) did not think it necessary to lay down his office when Sir Robert Peel brought in his measure for the repeal of the Cornlaws . ( Great cheering and laughter . ) But unfortunately Lord Maidstone became candidate for Westminster , and
Sir Fitzroy Kelly for an agricultural county . So Lord Maidstone forgets his verses , and Sir Fitzroy Kelly his votes . . ( Loud cheers . ) Lord Maidstone becomes a convert to Sir R . Peel ' s measure ; and Sir R . Peel's Solicitor-General stands up and makes a speech , apparently compounded out of Lord Maidstone ' s hexameters , against it . ( Vehement cheering . ) It is , therefore , gentlemen , impossible for me to pretend to foresee , from the language used by the Government and their adherents , what their conduct will be on the subject of Protection . Nevertheless , I think I may confidently say , that the great reform effected by Sir Robert Peel is perfectly safe . " ( Great cheering . ) The Free-traders are stronger than they were when the reform was effected ; in reason , because what was prophecy is now history , and in numbers , because they have the support of the labouring classes , who before were led away by " demagogues" to believe that it was purely a capitalists ' question .
With respect to Parliamentary reform —[ and here Mr . Macaulay seemed exhausted , but his courage kept him going]—with respect to that question , he thought the time was near when the Reform Bill of 1832 would require to be amended , cautiously and temperately , but in a large and liberal spirit . That could only be done by a Government ; but could they expect it from the present Ministry ? There was the greatest reason for an apprehension that ikoj -w-o «» l / l r-OKlilt j >"" ± « 1 »~» O . " » ' < J <» <»> . QIU 1 tin ") cv <»« l cvt tvnotllUl " propose the wildest innovations . Ho would tell them why . [ Here Mr . Macaulay prefaced an . exposure of Mr . Wai pole's famous militia franchise by professions of personal respect , and the declaration that lie spoke on the " defensive . " !
" Mr . Walpole addressed his constituents at Midhurst , and in doing so he spoke personall y of Lord John Russell , as one honest and good man should speak of another , and as I wish to speak of Mr . Walpolo ; but of Lord John Russell's public conduct ho spoke with considerable severity . And chief among the faults which he objected to his lordship was this , that lie had re-opened tho question of reform . Mr . Walpole declared himself opposed on principlo to organic changes . Ho justly said , that if organic changes are to be introduced , they ought first to bo deeply meditated and well matured—that nothing
ought to bo done without much thought and care ; and ho charged Lord John Russell with having neglected those precepts ol" prudence . 1 must confess I was thunderstruck when I read that speech ; for I recollected that tho most violent and democratic ) change in our representative . system which had boon proposed within the memory of the oldest man had been proposed a very lew weeks before b y this same Mr . Walpolo . Do you remember the history of his Militia Bill ? ( Great laughter . ) In general , when a great measure for the reform of Parliament is brought in , the Minister announces it weeks before—ho gives notice
that he is about to make a change in our representative system . There is , when the time comes , a great attendance , and a painful anxiety to know what ho is going to produce . I remember—lor 1 wan present— -the breathless suspense with which OOO gentlemen waited , on the 1 st ol March , 1832 , to hear Lord John 'Russell announce his Reform Hill . Hut what Avas his Reform Hill to the Militia Bill of Mr . Secretary Walpole , of tho Derby Administration ? Proposed at the end of a Hitting , in the easiest , possible manner , as a mere clause at the tail of a M ilitia Bill , it was proposed that (( very man who served two years in I he militia slinuhUiave u vote for the county . What would be the number of those voles ? Tlie militia in to consist
of HO , ()()() men ; the term of their Norvieo is to be live yearn . In ten years we should have 1 ( 50 , OOO voters , in twenty yearn . T 2 O . OO 0 , in twenty-five yean * 400 , 000 . Homo , no doubt , would by that time have died off , though the liven are all p icked lives , remarkably good lives- --still notmo would have died off . How many there may be I have not calculated . Any actuary would givo you the actual numbers ; but I have no doubt that when the system came into full operation you would have Home it ( M > , ( M )() added from tho militia to the county constituency , which , on an average , would be ( JOOO added to every count y in ICnglaml and Wales . This would be an immense addition to the county constituency . What are to be their qualifications r The first in youth , for they are not to be above a certain age ; tho nearer 18 the bettor . Tho eocond ia
povertyall persons to whom a shilling a day is an object . The third is ignorance—for if you ever take the trouble to observe in your streets what is the appearance of the young fellows who follow the recruiting sergeant , you will say that , at least , they are not the most educated of the labouring classes . Brave , stout young fellows no doubt they are . Lord Hardinge tells me " that he never saw a finer set of young men , and I have no doubt that after a few years' training they will be ready to stand up for our
firesides against the best disciplined soldiers that tho Continent can produce . ¦ But these men , taken for the most part from the plough-tail , are not tho class best qualified to choose our legislators—there is rather in tho habits of the young men that enter the army a disposition to idleness . Oh , but there is another qualification which I had almost forgot—they must be five feet two . ( Laughter . ) There is a qualification for a county voter ! Only think of measuring a man for the franchise ! ( Continued laughter . ) And this comes from a Conservative Government—a
measure that would swamp all the county constituencies in England with people possessed of the Derby-Walpole qualifications—that is to say , youth , poverty , ignorance , a roving 1 disposition , and five t ' eet two . ( Prolonged laughter and cheering . ) Why , gentlemen , what have the people who brought in such a measure—what have they to say , I do not say against Lord John Russell ' s imprudence—but what right have they to talk of the imprudence of Ernest Jones ? ( Loud cheers . ) The people who advocate universal suffrage at all events gave us wealth along with poverty , knowledge along with ignorance , and mature ago along with youth ; but a qualification compounded of all disqualifications is a thing that was never heard of except in the case of this Conservative reform . It is the
most ridiculous proposition that was ever made . It was made , I believe , at first in a thin house ; but the next house was full enough , for people came down with all sorts of questions . Are the regular troops to have a vote ? Are the police—are the sailors ? indeed who should not , for if you take lads of one and twenty from the plou gh-tail and give them votes , what possible class can you excludewhat possible class of honest Englishmen and Scotchmen can you exclude if they are admitted ? But before these questions could be asked , up gets the Home Secretary , and tells us that the thing has not been sufficiently considered
—that some of his colleagues do not approve of it—that the thing is withdrawn—he will not press it . I must say if it had happened to me to propose such a Reform Bill on one night , and on the next sitting of the house to withdraw it , because it had not been sufficiently considered , I think that to the end of rny life I should never have talked of the exceeding evil of re-opening- the question of reformto the end of my life I should never have read any man a lecture on the extreme prudence and caution with which he should approach questions of organic change . " ( Cheers . )
Parliamentary Reform must he soon taken up , and there is hope that before long we shall in place a Ministr y that will take it up as it quirht to be . " I dare say you will not suspect mo , in saying thin , of any interested feeling . The truth is , that in no case shall I again be a member of any Ministry . ( Loud cheers . ) During what remains to me of public life , I shall be the servant of none but you . ( Continued cheering . )" The now Minister must "revise the distribution of power , " consider whether small corrupt constituencies
should have votes m the House equal to large ones ; extend the franchise without , endangering peace , law , and order ; but keep clear of Universal Suffrage ? , as " we have seen by the clearest of all proofs , even when united with secret voting , that there is no security against tho establishment of arbitrary power . " But there would be at no remote period an extension of the franchise to a larger class than tho speaker once thought either safe or practicable . Turning to another . subject iio thus expressed himself .
"Perhaps I am too sanguine , but i think that good times are coming for the labouring classes in tin ' s country . ( Cheers . ) 1 do not entertain that hope because T expect that Fourrierisin , or St . . Sirnonianism , or Socialism , or Communism , or any of the other isms , for which ( . lie plain ICnglish word is robbery ( loud cheers ) , will ever prevail . I know that , these schemes only aggravate the misery which they protend to relieve . I know that it is possible by such legislation to make the rich poor ; but I know that it in impossible to make the poor rich- But I do believe and hope that the progress of experimental science — the free intercourse of mil ion with nation---the
unrestricted inilux of commodities from communities whore they are cheap , and the unrest rioted elllux of labour to communities where it is dear will soon produce--are , indeed , already beginning to produce--a groat and blessed social revolution . " It is not a republican form of government that ; keeps America prosperous : but the freedom of labour . "Why lire not our labourers equally fortunate P Simply on account , of the distance which separates this country from the new and unoccupied territories , and from the expense of traversing that , distance . Hut , science bus abridged and is abridging that ( list a nee-- -it lias dim unshed and is diminishing the expense . . Already , tor nlI practical purposes , New Zealand is nearer to Knglinid than New
-lOngland was to those I ' urifutiM who fled from the tyranny of Laud . Already , Halifax , Hoston , and Now York are nearer Knghind ( ban , within the memory of persons now alive , ( lie island of Skye or the county of Donegal wen * to London . . Already the emigration is | trg iiiiiiiig ¦ if I understand arig ht the signs of these lilacs to produce the same effects here us in New lOiighmd . Now , don ' t imagine that one emigrating countrymim is altogether lost to us . Kven if he go from the don union and the protection oft Im British ting , or settle among a kindred people , mI i 11 be is not altogether lost ; for under the benignant syst em of Free-trade , be remains bound to us by the cloncst ties- if ho ceases to be a neig hbour , be becomes a btnu-fnctor and a customer . For us lie turns the forests into corn-fields on tho btiuku of the MiauiBmppi—for uu ho IoikIh tho sheep
November 6, 1852.] The Leader. 1055
November 6 , 1852 . ] THE LEADER . 1055
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), Nov. 6, 1852, page 3, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_06111852/page/3/
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