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January 8, 1853.] THE LEADER. 29
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THE ANGLO-AMERICAN ALLIANCE AT LIVERPOOL...
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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Till-] "A1m0a Of Kriokdom:" Amkjuca, Tju...
the protection of the weaker nations of the earth . It would not at all surprise us to see an appropriation of five or ten millions of dollars , to be placed unreservedly in the hands of General Pierce , for the preservation of peace and the honour of the Republic in the approaching crisis . We are entering upon an eventful period in our history . " Confirmatory of this , and much more significant , is the following paragraph , from the letter of the New York correspondent , of the Times , under date December 25 th , four days after the above announcement : —
" Mr . Soule , the senator from Louisiana , has introduced a resolution placing 5 , 000 , 000 in the hands of President Pierce , to be used by him at his discretion , af ter the present session expires , that he may be enabled to meet any exigency which the unsettled state of our foreign relations might render possible . If this resolution passes , it will show two things : —First , the confidence of the present Congress in the President elect ; and , second , the alacrity of our National Legislature to spring to the rescue of the country whenever its interests are threatened . This proposal comes from the Committee on Foreign Relations , who have access at all times to the archives of the Goverment , particularly the unpublished despatches . There is thought to be more reason for apprehension in regard to the future than the public generally supposes . "
As respects Sonora and Samana , we have some curious speculations . It would appear that the annexation policy of Count Boulbon did not arise from any sudden force of circumstances , but that some such step had previously been considered in France . For example , M . Dupasquier du Dommartin , who has travelled much in America , has published a work in France , in which he talks of checking what he calls the " omniyorous progress of the United States , which threatens the political and commercial supremacy of Europe , " by preventing the construction of the Great Pacific Railroad ; and that " this can be done effectually by planting vigorous French colonies in Sonora and Chihuahua I " The New York Times says that the French colony in Sonora was invited thither by the Mexican authorities , " with the active concurrence of the French Minister
in Mexico , and for the avowed purpose of pre-occupying the only route by which a railroad can be constructed to connect the Mississippi with the Pacific / ' A letter has appeared in the Courrier des JStats Tints , written by a M . Fai-rance , who contends that the French occnpation of Samana , and the conquest of Sonora , are the " initiatory steps by which Napoleon III ., in the interests of the allied despotisms of Europe , intends to rommono . fi an active intervention on this continent
against the further spread of democratic principles . The Courrier is the French organ in the United States . Samana , in St . Domingo , is in the N . E . part of Hayti , between 19 ° and 20 ° North lat ., and 69 ° and ^ 0 ° West long . The position is commanding as relates to the West India seas and commerce . The United States \ a naturally jealous of such a step as takingpossession of Samana . The Washington Union ( Democratic organ , and proba 1 > ly the Moniteur of President Pierce ' s Administration ) has a long article in relation to the " French in Sonora and Dominica , and the Monroe Declaration . "
The writer states that these events have excited in tins Republic " mingled doubt and astonishment ; " the more esjwcially ho when viewod in connexion with the speculations of the French press , " respecting the propriety of encouraging European colonization in Mexico , to prevent its absorption by the United States . " The Union then thinks that the French Government bos not sanctioned the Sonora movement , and proceeds to <> xpres , s a belief that Sonora will , after all , be annexed to the United States . Hut it hints that " this Government will not permit Louis Napoleon to plant his foot
on tho confines of California . " The writer tlion says , " that tho French Government does entertain the purpose of extending its power on the American continent , is not a matter of doubt ; " and ho eomplaiim of the capture by Frances of tin ; peninsula of Samana , as a naval depot , in tho island of St . Domingo . Nay , ho Hiiys that , from . such a station , in tho event of a war with the United States , " ho might easily ravage our connnereu and desolate our coasts . " Again , tho Union nays , with regard to Samana , " Will the Government of lhi > United States miller KYunce to oil ' oct a foothold
on this continent , or establish a . position in its waters , whence it may operate ho imperiously on American affairs ? Will not tho Government remove tho protoxt under which Franco acts , by itself assuming tho protectorate of Dominion V " Th <; article closes with a strong argument in fuvour of tho Monroe doctrine , to prevent tho interference <> i ' any Knyopeiin Powers with tho American continent . In the United States Senate , on the 2 ! lr < J Doc ; ., M ' r . Mason , democratic member for Virginia , moved foreopien of theoflicialnotesof the Ministers of Krancound lOnglund , proposing n tripartite treaty , disclaiming all present and future iiktetitioiiH to obtain possession of Culm ; und of Iho reply of ( he United States Government thereto . In Hiipport ' of his motion Mr . Mason mi . i « l tho inland of Cuba lion in tho gateway of the Gulf of Mexico , und
all American statesmen have ever held that its political condition must be regarded with unrelaxing vigilance . The two great European powers knew beforehand that the proposal they made would be declined . It has been the established policy of the United States , made known in the most open , frank , and undisguised manner , that while Cuba remained a dependency of Spain we would never interfere with it , but that if ever any ambitious or grasping potentate should attempt either by rapine or treaty to take the island from Spain , it would become this country , cost what it might , to interfere and prevent it . Every country in Europe knows that . What means , then , this invitation on the part of England and France ?
I should read its meaning thus : —France and England believe that the possession of Cuba by tho United States would be fraug ht with consequences injurious to them , and therefore they give us to understand , by this form of communication , that they are in league to prevent it . Now , sir , treating it thus , I have this to say : —We have already indicated our policy to let Cuba alone , and sacredly to regard the rights of Spain . We know that in the fulness of time the fruit will ripen and fall from the parent stem . When that time shall come its political connexion with this continent is inevitable . Interference by other nations may hasten the event , but the combined powers of Europe cannot prevent it .
The acquisition of Cuba by the United States is a question of time only . As the proposition of the two great European powers , " Let it have what meaning it may , whenever the hour comes when , in good faith and with due regard to national honour , we can incorporate Cuba as one of these United States , it will be done , and Europe may find it best then to hold her peace . " Mr . Cass , following on the same subject , deprecated the practice of turning the other cheek to the smiter in national affairs . Therefore it was that he had
proposed last year to repudiate by a solemn act the interpolation made by the Emperor of Russia in the law of nations . The country had been frightened on that occasion out of its true duty and dignity ; but it will come back to it . " Already the return is begun , for the Whig Convention of New York has pronounced its adhesion to the true doctrine in the following resolution , every word of which lie , Mr . Cass , heartily approves : " 3 . As to Foreign Policy—Peace evermore , so far as is consistent with the due assertion of our rights ; a careful avoidance of all entangling alliances with foreign Powers , but a solemn protest against any deliberate defiance of the laws of nations for the furtherance of the interest of despotism ; and a generous and active sympathy with , and moral support to , all oppressed nations and races struggling to assert or retain thezr liberties . "
And , he continued , we shall not only come up to this good work of participation of the public law of the world , but we shall also adopt the policy advocated by Mr . Monro and Mr . Polk , that no European nation shall be permitted to colonize , hereafter , any part of this continent . Eut there was no objection , made to their maintaining existing colonies , as the English pa }) ers impudently and falsely asserted . Mr . Cass could not believe that Franco is endeavouring to obtain possession of any portion of the Mexican territories , but if she is , the eilbrt should be met and resisted by the whole power of the United States . With regard to Cuba"So long as Spain retains Cuba , or should tho inland becomo independent—truly mid honourably ho—wo have
no right to interfere with it . And , for myself , I should bo willing- —desiroun , indeod—nt any timo to purchase it oi Spain , and at ii liberal , even an extravagant price—but no transfer to another power , either by peace or war , and tho resistance of such an attempt by all the means which ( iod hat ) given uh . And 1 liave never uttered a sentiment , hero or elsewhere , inronsiHtisnt with those views , though I have often boon charged with what is called ' iillibu . stering' projects , and that , too , by respectable journals , during tho Presidential contest . No man , editor or reader , lias tho right to prefer such n charge against nio . 1 believo in public as well an in personal morality , and 1 value tho honour of my country at too high a price to darter it for itny scheme of aggrandisement . And 1 . enihmce this opportunity to boar my testimony of upprohation to the recent conduct of the . Administration in relation to Culm . "
He could not but reprobate the repeated oflorts to interfere in the concerns of another nation , und he had no charity lor the motives of the leaders engaged in them . The rights of Spain . should be respected , and she has even n claim to forbearance ut < tho hands of the United States , considering her weakness , her remoteness , and tho disturbed state of Culm . " 1 desire the poHHoSHion of Cuba , principally as a niijitary position , with a view to its vast , importance as the true Key to ( he M isfiismppi . Hut us u mere question oi
acquisition , the subjoet , preHvnts no terrors tome . I i >[> - nerved tho President views it differently , und foreseen Htrong objections to tho measure - to tho general principle , indeed , ol the oxteiiHioii of our territory . An to the general Hubjeet of'annexation , I Imvo no now views to disclose . J I , is pretty well known that , I hiivo a capacious swallow fo >' territory , though 1 aia free to oonfo . sH that , I can wait awhile patiently , it necessary , and spend tho time in digesting our last uctjumitions . ThoyHitliglit . lv upon the Htomach , and proiijim ) to promote tlio health of the body politic to a dogroo Burpausiiig tho sanguine expectations oi '
those who expected most from the measure . We are often asked by the timid and the cautious , ' Where is annexation to stop ? ' That question will not be answered in my day , and I leave its solution to those upon whom may devolve the duty and the responsibility of deciding it . But I repeat , Sir , that I denounce any acquisition but an honest one . " After challenging a-comparison with any other nation , as to the manner in which the United States had made acquisitions of foreign territory , and angrily reviewing the remarks of a p ortion o the London press , Mr . Cass
concluded" Mr . President , since my earliest years , and where could , I have rebuked the unworthy course of the British press and people towards this country ; and for the expression of this natural feeling of indignation I have been often denounced for belligerent propensities , and for a wish to involve us in a war with England . Nothing could be more untrue or unjust than this charge . I never wanted a war with England ; but I felt as an American ought to feel , though for many years there was a kind of infatuation upon this subject , a shrinking from English boasts and English taunts , which marked a portion of our people as though it were our duty to submit to them with silent acquiescence . For myself , the opinion of England is no more than the opinion of any other nation , and I deprecate that sensitiveness which would lead us to watch ¦ with jealous earnestness the indications elsewhere of the views entertained of this country , of its conduct , policy ,
and institutions . After some other senators had spoken , the debate was adjourned to the 4 th of January .
January 8, 1853.] The Leader. 29
January 8 , 1853 . ] THE LEADER . 29
The Anglo-American Alliance At Liverpool...
THE ANGLO-AMERICAN ALLIANCE AT LIVERPOOL . At a splendid banquet given at Liverpool on Monday last to the new American ambassador , Mr . J . R . Ingersoll , by the American C hamber of Commerce , fresh manifestations were given of that cordial sympathy which subsists between the peop le of Great Britain and of the United States , and which t he best men on both sides of the Atlantic delight in promoting by word and deed . Among the first toasts of the evening was the health of the President of the United States . Having briefly
responded on behalf of the head of ins Government , Mr . Ingersoll had next to return thanks for a similar compliment paid to himself . Beginning with an emphatic and grateful acknowledgme nt of the kindness and good-will towards his own country which had everywhere met him here , he proceeded with a happilymanaged transition to extol the noble institutions of Liverpool , and the excellent spirit of her people . Liverpool is at present the largest seaport in the world for exporting commerce , but she docs herself great injustice if she deems that her great characteristic—if she does
not pride herself on her domestic and internal arrangements . Tho seaport is but the gate to a magnificent town—it is the opening to the hospitality and wealth and all tho elegancies of polished life . But what ho most insisted on was , that Liverpool possessed , and used , the bost opportunity for cultivating that kindly feeling between two great kindred nations which may , perhaps , terminate in tho same Anglo-Saxon feeling which one day in defence of constitutional liberty may call us shoulder to shoulder—( vehement applause ;)—in the defence of our common rights . In Liverpool ,
the stranger from America receives his first impressions and makes his first acquaintance here , mid he renews and fixes them when he passes again through Liverpool on his homeward way , after paying his visit / ' to this blissful and blessed land . ( Cheers . ) As practical exeinplitieiition . s of the international etleet of associations thus formed , Mr . Ingersoll mentioned the ca . se of an American brig which ran aground in the river Con » -o on the j ' . H . h of June last , and which was rescued
by her Majesty's hri-j ; . Dolqtltin , when besOt by 5 HHK ) armed savages , who would certainly have massacred every soul on board but for . sueli timely aid . This is one side of the picture ; another is Heen in the ease of sixteen Hritish . sailors , found by tin ; American mail steamer . Pacific in a , water-logged vessel , in danger of going to pieces every minute . The sea was so rough that no boat oould be sent to her ; but , the Americans remained six hours in her neighbourhood , ready to sacrifice their lives in the attempt , at succour . At last Unions
tho r <« ifu- . succeeded in taking the sixteen on board , carried them to New York , whore all wore delighted toiisMst them , mid afterwards brought thorn in safety to Liverpool . ( Cheers . ) Such is the brotherly feeling between Englishmen and Americans ; and commercial interests lend naturally to aid that fooling . It is within tin' recollection of hoi no persons now living that tho first parcel of cotton from America was brought , into the port , of Liverpool . That , little parcel has since grown into throe million bales a-year , of which Kn ^ himl receives two-thirds . This is one bond of union .
( Applause . ) Another is , that , the Americans Imvo ID OOO vessels , amounting to about 51 , 000 , 000 of tonnage , engaged in ( . lie trade between the two countries . A bridge is almost built between tho one mid tin ; other
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), Jan. 8, 1853, page 29, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_08011853/page/5/
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