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January 13, 1855/1 THE LEADER, 37
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TO CORRESPONDENTS. Income-tax is, we bel...
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SATUBDAT, JANTJABT 13, 1855.
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There is nothing so revolutionary, becau...
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KUSSIA WINNING THE GAME. ] Etjssia, it i...
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THE « IMMACULATE CONCEPTION." Quieta non...
Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.
January 13, 1855/1 The Leader, 37
January 13 , 1855 / 1 THE LEADER , 37
To Correspondents. Income-Tax Is, We Bel...
TO CORRESPONDENTS . Income-tax is , we believe , in strictness vv ^ ^ ^ h ^ t on the 20 th of June , the 20 thof September , tte 20 th of December , and the 20 th of March m , each year . This is according to the act ; neve rtheless , *^ income-tax is w ^ « r « tS 5 ssf & TsssaE < * gRaSS £ a £ & K S ft"SKS questions . . . . . All letters for the Editor should be addressed to 7 , Welling ton-street . Strand , London . ' No notice can be taken of anonymous communications . Whatever is intended for insertion must be authenticated by the name and address of the writer ; not necessarily for publication , but as a guarantee of his good faith . Communications should always be legibly written , and on one side of the paper only . If long , it increases the difficulty of finding space for them . We cannot undertake to returnrejected communications . It is impossible to acknowledge the mass of letters we receive . Their insertion is often delayed , owing to a press of matter ; and when omitted it is frequently from reasons quite independent of the merits of theoommunica tion .
Terms Of Subscription To " ©Ijc Eleatier...
TERMS OF SUBSCRIPTION TO " © ijc ELeatier . " For a Half-Tear £ 0 13 0 To be remitted in advance . igT Money Orders should be drawn upon the Strand Branch Office , and be made payable to Mr . Azfbed E . Gaixoway , at No . 7 , Wellington Street , Strand ..
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Satubdat, Jantjabt 13, 1855.
SATUBDAT , JANTJABT 13 , 1855 .
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There Is Nothing So Revolutionary, Becau...
There is nothing so revolutionary , because there is nothing so unnatural and convulsive ; as the strain to keep things fixed when all the world is by the very , law of its creation in eternal progress . —De . Aknoid .
Kussia Winning The Game. ] Etjssia, It I...
KUSSIA WINNING THE GAME . ] Etjssia , it is supposed , has gained another victory , more pregnant with advantages than those of Alma or Inkerman . She has persuaded the Three Powers to listen to the sound of " peace , " and may possibly persuade them to grant it to her . Bussia does not make such proposals for nothing . It is not Christian charity that induces her : Christian
charity made her incite her soldiers , with blasphemy and rain , to maiigre and to murder their fallen foes , whom the desperate onslaught of column after column had failed to shatter or repulse . It is not her love for England , whom she seemed unable to frighten or to cheat ; for France , whom she" refused to recognise ; or for Austria , her rebellious proconsulate . It is her love for herself and
her own objects ; the peace will be beneficial to her alone . This is so palpable that the Allies could hardly justify themselves in conceding peace to popular clamour — especially as popular clamour does not call upon them to do so . They cannot be acting in . the interest of commerce . The war prosecuted to the end would do more for commerce than a peace which will enable Bussia to shut up the Eastern half of the European continent against civilisation . We scout the idea that any one of the powers can be so foolish
and so base as to sacrifice a just cause to the double-dealing fears of Prussia . There remains but one inference—that they precipitate a peace in fear of the impulse that war might give to certain impatient nationalities —at which English statesmen sneer—and to the liberties of certain provinces . In a word , they fear that in the tumult of war , the peoples may become too important , and may be asking something for themselves—that if Crowns fall out , their subjects may get their own ; and the quarrel is patched up to renew the conspiracy against Poland , Italy , and
Hungary—to prevent Prussians from depriving King Cliquot of that Prussia which he misrules and degrades—to prevent the heart and brain of France from ; rising in disgust at the odious imposture of a spurious dynasty—and possibly to prevent Englishmen from regaining those rights which CkomweIiI- won for them , which Somers
recorded , which William ratified ; but which the effeminate trading spirit of modern times has induced them to surrender . That might be the motive for patching up the conspiracy with Bussia , and for restoring to her the permission of renewing her encroachments upon Europe under the cover of a flag of truce .
If such notions lurk , possibly unexpressed , in the brains of statesmen , let them beware . They have in this country roused a spirit to support them in their war , whieh will not subside at their bidding . War may have its dangers , but peace may be more dangerous . It is hardly possible that Bussia will accept conditions which would not stultify all that has been done , neutralise all that has been gained , in 1854 . Our Government has boasted of the alliances effected in the
interests of the war . It has brought the ancient enmities of France and England into alliance ; and while Louis Napoleon needs our aid , he will assist to prolong a union which every day of prolongation helps to cement between the peoples . Bemove the occasion suddenly , and the union may be severed . The occasion has induced Turkey , whose Government had already thrown ojpen her commerce to the West , to seek admission into the European system , and effectually to
bring the Ottoman empire within the range of Christian civilisation . ! Let the war result in enclosing Turkey within the limits of Europe proper , by placing a civilised in lieu of a Bussianised rule on each side and behind her , and further conquests must have awaited-European industry . Already is there speculation as to the profits which her lands might yield to a European colonisation ; and her coal-fields at Heraclea , from which English industry has been excluded , promise to supply the steambrin
generating power which would really g her within the jurisdiction of commerce . Undo what has been done—setfreeBussia , uncrippled in strength , and bound only by the withies of treaties , and Turkey will be surrendered to Orthodox-Greek conspiracies , to dismemberment , barbarism , decay . Of all the alliances , perhaps that with Austria was the most signal , as it was the most unexpected , and it might well have involved her adoption of a wiser and more liberal policy towards her dependencies . Is that to be all abandoned ?—Is
Austria to be gratuitously released from her new and better responsibilities , and restored to the dangerous possibilities of a renewed Bussian alliance ? For such would be the effect of peace . There is no peace . Bussian autocracy is an evil power . The Czar ' s designs are criminal , even according to the code of Kings and Conferences . He played the hypocrite in 1848 ; but in 1853 he threw off the mask , and in 1854 he would fain have begun the subjugation of Europe . Ke is frightened at present , and copies the professions of the Evil Ono when sick . But Satan was Satan
still , although professing ; and so is the Czar . There is but ono mode of dealing with him-so as to make Europe—the Europe of Crowns and Cabinets , as well as the Europe of nations and peoples — - safe against his attacks : it is to cripple r , or rather to destroy him . The power of the Czar exists solely in the dishonest fears of the King class . He is convicted , and if they arc honest he will bo sentenced and dealt with according to law .
If they are not honest , they will compromise the felony , and conclude peace . But let them bewarev 3 Jet them dread to publish the terms . There is a duty to the living —and to the dead .
The « Immaculate Conception." Quieta Non...
THE « IMMACULATE CONCEPTION . " Quieta non movere is a rule which the authorities of the Vatican disdain to observe . Secure in the ignorance of the multitude , the indifference of " society , " the complicity of thrones , and the contempt of philosophers ; secure in the lofty citadel of a faith which was declared from the first immutable , and which only yesterday was incomplete ; infallible enough to resist all the inroads of science and literature ; elastic enough to
comprehend all the caprices of disordered imaginations ; expansive enough to consecrate new altars in disguised Pantheona to new parodies of Pagan worship and new burlesques of heathen adoration , the Roman Chtjbch , by a sublime fatality of perdition , celebrates , with intoxicating raptures , the retrospective heresy of the best and purest of her saints , martyrs , doctors , and confessors . If it were not fatality , it is a singular passion , this impatience to stir up questions that have subsided , and in reopening that of the Immaculate Conception , to thrust a new
phenomenon of theological discovery before the eyes of a public very ill adapted to the consideration of dogmatic subtleties , at a period the most unhappy . Let us pause for a moment to protest against any imputation of irreverence . It is not our concemj as public journalists , to make profession of faith , still less of doubt or incredulity . We defend free thought in the sense of liberty -of conscience for all , not in the sense of hostility to _ any creed , of antagonism to any sincere conviction . But a Papal Bull that claims universal assent provokes and demands universal discussion
wheresoever speech and writing are free . A free press is not so nauch a privilege as a responsibility , an obligation . ! Let us use it with the moderation of true courage and with the dignity of self-respect . There was no necessity to consider the question at all . Some slight theoretical disputation had arisen , but difference of opinion on the point has alivays existed in the Church . There are -Fathers whose view . . thei . subject
is diametrically opposed to that of the Pope and of those who have urged Pius IX . to his present dangerous attempt at definition . On the whole , however , the subject of the Virgin Mary , and the immediate circumstances attending her birth , was one that agitated no great number of minds in Europe ; it troubled no genealogical stream , and had no influence on the succession of property—the one thing which excites real anxiety in our day . It there was some diversity of conviction within
the Boman Church , it was the consequence of a freedom which in some places is enabling the Church to adapt itself to the growing opinion of the day , and which it is hoped by the few who intellectually divorce the faith from the system will gradually reform it without open disruption . Why , then , this new-born anxiety to prove that the Virgin Mary did not share
the sin dogmatically recognised to bo inherent in human nature ? The spirit ot tho suggestion is evident . However aublime may bo tho conception otJDivmity taking to itself tho frailties of tho flesh , and undergoing mortal agony m order to the redemption ' of a fallen race , there does remain to carnal minds a strong
revulsion at tho idea of bringing purity in personal identity with , impurity , divinity with sin , aud p lacing tho immaculate in such direct relation to the maculate as child to parent
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), Jan. 13, 1855, page 13, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_13011855/page/13/
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