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: . ¦ ¦ ¦ fif LEAiii ' ^P^T^toA Y?
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. IjO#P #BAHVIIit<E ON THE EIGHT OF ' " ...
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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. . .. . ___ ^ M ; ^ . ^^^^^^^^2 Sh¥ Soc...
me an exile since twenty-two years , in silent ^ till deeply SSwssteawssaKaE SSTinen of 1831 ; from the young , pure enthusiastic , others worn out by poverty and cares , and telling me , as ? f LT iflrP "hosts of my country , her woes , her hopes , gSS £ 5 wgte «^ 4 stone ? delations concerning Naples . Prertnl on the writer to go and sojourn for a certain amount of timein
Sicilv in Romasna , in Tuscany , in Lombardy , on the Venetian lagoons—inthat unconquerable mother of great woes and destinies , Rome . I pledge all my being that similar pages will flow from his honestly indignant , though inconsistently conservative pen . The absence of all political liberty , of all personal security , of all guarantees of justice —the systematic corruption of Italian souls through Jesuits , spies , and ignorance ; the systematic and unavoidfinancial the deadl
able plundering of our resources ; y influence of narrow , weak , suspicious despotism , on our industry , on our trade , on our navigating power—all these must be by this time granted facts with you ; my task is higher than a long , sad enumeration of the actual Italian suffering . Are we to be or not to be ? Are we doomed / fdr the sake of a pope , as the French government said , or of an empero ^ as some of your so-called statesmen still say , to be the Parias , the Helots of the nations ; or are we entitled to live amongst you the free , fall ,
unfettered , untrammelled life that God grants ? This is the question—an entirely moral one between you and me . It does matter little that we are more or less physically tortured—that we are pressed more or less heavily by taxation—that we can feed on cheap or high-rated loaves . I speak of our soul ' s bread , education and action . We are twenty-five millions of Italians ^ writing the same language , blessed with the same deep blue skies , roused by the same matinal songs , imbued with the same tendencies , worshipr ping the same national geniuses—Dante , Colombo , Galileo , Michael Angelo—starting from a glorious common tradition , thrilling at the sight of the one tricoloured national
flag , and at the blessed mysterious words of patriay Italy , Home . We long to love and be loved . We think that we have thoughts to impart to our sister nations— -thoughts to receive from them ; great deeds to achieve through our united efforts ; and fragments , as I said , of the law of God to unveil and to apply . We want to commune , to progress—to worship no lies , no idols , no phantoms , but truth , genius , and virtue . And the very configuration of our country , the only truly peninsular in Europe , speaks of unity ; and our national frontiers are the Alps and the sea . Are we not , then , entitled to a national life , to a national compact , to a national flag ? And when the
foreign oppressor comes and tells us , " You shall remain dismembered , slaves , speechless , unhonoured , without a name , without a flag , without an acknowledged mission in Europe , " are we to submit , or to struggle ? That is the question now before you . If you resolve it in the affirmative , you are bound to help us as far it Iie 9 in your power . Could you ever resolve it in the negative , then , indeed , you would be unworthy of the liberty that blesses your shores . Liberty is a principle , or nothing . The great problem to be solved by all those who believe in one Godj is , not that man to a certain amount , or under a certain degree of latitude , should be free , but that man , the being
created in the image of God , shall be free ; that the very name of slavery shall be cancelled from the face of the earth , from the spoken language of all those who can whisper a word of love . Wo shall struggle —struggle to the last . Help us if you can ; for , with my hand on my heart , and a serene yet bold look meeting yours , I can tell you ours is n holy struggle , commanded to us by Providence , and meant for good . Yes , we shall struggle ; and when I say this I speak the mind , the unconquerable decision of the millions . Wo are ripe for liberty and independence . Before 1848 and 1849 I would have uttered
these words with hesitation ; not now . Thank God , we have proved to all Europe that liberty is with us the watchword of a whole people , and , that wo could light and bleed , fall and not despair , for it . Ours is a popular cause . In March , 1848 , we drove away a powerful organized Austrian army . Between the city nnd the sea not a single foreign soldier was to bo scon ; those who remained had sought a refuge in the fortresses of Mantun , Ticino , and Verona . Our volunteers had reached Tyrol . Who fought those wonderful battles , if not the people P Who aro they—the men who died , during the five days , at the barricades of Milan P The official liet has been
published by Catyaneo . They bolong , most of them , to the . people . Who , if not the people , fought in 1810 at Bologrui , keeping the Austrians during days out of an open town , accessible on every side P Who , if not the people , kept the French troops at defiance in Itomo for more than one month P Who , if not the people , endured patiently and uncomplainingly , during eighteen months at Venice , continued fighting , peouniavy sacrifices , bombardment , privation , and cholera morbus P Who , if not the people , fought heroically against Haynau at Brescia , after tho defeat of Novada ? And now , oven now , dood not tho list of condemnation !* weekly appearing in tho official gazettes of tho Roman States , of Venice , and , of Miton , bear
wit-Lombardy , proved unsuccessful against the patriotic ieei > - ing of our agricultural population ; that such was the predominance of the national element over all others < in the Lonlbardo-Venetian provinces , that the March injunction was decided upon ; and 'realized when liberal concessions ! from the Emperor concerning the press and the internal administration were giving hopes of a materially better state of things ; and that now , after almost all the revolutionary generation \ pfvl 848 aqd 1849 has been swept away by the storm , dead ^ imprisoned , or wandering in foreign , iandv our secret—foi ; sepret , it must beorganization throughout the land is so powerful thai ; loan .
ness to the tendency of oar pap ^ 'Classes £ . F . rom a Valuable series- of ^ dpcuments l . ubhshed in ^ b ^ tta ^ Switzerland , on the national strnggle ^ of / ia ^ and 1849 , the Society , of the Friends of ; Italy , will haye , £ trusty of these days , to draw the materials . of a tr ^ uth , ^ , which the feelings of our popular classes will be evinced frpm facts and ciphers . . Meanwhile ,: let me , record , £ ere jwith ; TOide , thai in 1848 , from SiciljUo the Italian Tyrol , one single watchword , " Italia , " was to rbe heard on the lips ol our multitudes ; tHat , before 1848 , all attempts frotti the Austrian government to organize a second Gahcia , by a communistic war of the peasantry against the landlords m
notes , clandestine pubiicatioris , and messengers , are despatched fi ^ m town ' to , town fvitfi nearly ' the ^ anie degree of security that you have in . your ; ownintercourse , frpm London to Dublin , and Edinburgh ., Thousands belonging to our popular classes , axe ' involved , in , this mysterious underground propagandism , and the secret lies unrevealed . They can shoot or pend , to , bagnios ; . pur . clandestine press they cannot seize , . These are telling faefs ., Few struggling nations can exhibit similar prpofs of , a constant unanimous will ,... . r '• ¦ ; : ¦'< ¦¦
.,. - .. ,.. . _ . ¦ III ..- . .. . .. ... , I And now to my third point . What do we want from you ? What can England do for us ? First ,, you can give us moral . strength : create a strong , compact , organised public opinion in our favour ; collect facts , information , positive data concerning our wants * our rights , our struggles ^ our sufferings ; and-, through pamphlets , leer tures , newspaper articles , scatter them through the land . Speak loudtyy unceasingly for us .. Do not allow base calumnies to circulate unanswered against our national party . Oppose io them our solemn declarations , our programmes of our acts whenever we have had a field for action . Let the name of Rome appear inscribed on your flags whenever you , meetibr popular manifestations . Let no meeting take place for liberal popular objects without a voice rising to say , " Remember Rome and Italy .
Remember that freedom is a general principle , or a merely selfish impotent concern . Remember . ; that at not a long distance from your glory * a mighty nation , from which your forefathers drew the best part of their life , civilisation , and art , lies groaning under Austrian brutal force and papal soul-corrupting despotism . " Lqt this ; Society of the Friends of Italy , to whom we owe pur actual meeting , be your nucleus of pperatipn , and soon become the enlarged field of a continuous relentless propagandism for Italian liberty and independence . Secondly , you can give us parliamentary official help . Through petitioning , through electioneering questions , through personal influence and suggestions , summon your representatives , and , through them your statesmen , to a more complete view of your national life , to a better moral understanding of England ' s part and mission in Europe . Tell them that the life of a nation is twofold—internal and external ,
national and internatioiia'l ; that between-tbeeo two . there may be harmony , oneness of purpose , to be accomplished through different manifestations ; that England ' s vital principle is religious , political , commercial liberty ; and that it may be represented abroad as within your shores . Tell them that England proclaimed , since 1831 , through her statesmen , nonintervention as the rulihg principle of her policy in international matters ; that England meant then that the principle should be universally accepted , arid that each people was to be thenceforward freo to settle undisturbed and independent their own domestic concerns ; that such a principle , though incomplete and unequal to tho fulfilment of our duties—for wo must
always be ready to interfere for good—would still have proved sufficient if honestly earned into execution , for the triumph of right and liberty throughout all Europe ; but that it has been , and is , grossly , insultingly , and systematically violated by tho despotic powers , until it has come to this , that thongh any absolutist emperor , king , or prince could interfere for evil , England should never bo allowed to interfere for good . Tell them that , should England have energetically told Russia "You shall not crush Hungary , and told Franco , you shall not crush Rome , " Rome and Hungary would now bo freo ; that Rome aiid Hungary , recollecting the promises of
J 831 , were claiming such a word from England ; that England ' s silence was a shame and a sin ; that shame , ; as well as invasion , is death to a nation ; that from u will far superior to all politicnl calculations , evory sin is , sooner or later , expiated ; and'bid thorn look to once proud and powerful , now fallen , Franco . Toll ihem that tho circlo traced by continental scheming despotism is drawing every day closer to your shores ; and that imperialist resentments , combined with old autocratic jealousy and plans , ought not to bo despised , Toll them that , even if immediate danger woro not impending , it is tho duty of statesmen , to look noi mcrcJy
to the emergencies of the day * but to more . distant times not merely to the transient present but to . the ; future of thS ow . il . country . ; , . that -England , ? s , , mpre | ; and . Wore , isolating herselHn Jjurope ; thakwhijst nodespotf cpower w actuallv or , e ^ r " can . be , | riendlyU ; p $ ngjand :. no people ' amongst those who are imavpjdabl y called to organise themselves by ' naiions wilj be , once libertyconquered , her friend anf ally , unless the seeds of friendl y alliance are shown during thi" straggle that systematic' indifference will lead to nothing in a not far distant fu ' ture , when the map of Europe shall have to be redrawn , but to old political C 6 n nexibns being lost without any new being found ; to old markets for England ^ industrial activity being closed without any neSy being opened : ^ And tell them never to ^ forget that the tiest national defences fotf England are now placed abroad that her best resistance to corrupting papal encroachments would be the free emancipated Rome ' of the peoj ) l 6 ; and that a single irffe ' ofiair Italiaft tricoloured flag carried from ^ Naples ^ to pUatf , and a ^ iealing froni thisrei to" Hungary and Vienna ;^ would inbre * powerfully divert from England ' s shores' all : ¦ BcBemes of invasion or indirect war than any calling of militaiy or increase of naval fbrces and € jfpenditurei Thirdly atfd lastly , you can give material help ; the material help tfhat European caj > ilalists andiJoanmongers are lending daily to despotic powers- ; the ; material : help which , . like this body to the soul , ; is . the condition , sme qud new pi every : struggle , even morally carried , ; of every proscribed manifestation . of the tHought . ,., . ., ; . ¦ . , - ^ „ : . - ¦ , ......... , ; ¦ : . . ¦ . ; : ; . ; .:... . . ' ...: .,,., iy ., ,,.,, , ,..- . , ¦ :, . . / , „ ., ; / t have-told ybu what we are , and what we want-r-wliat you can give , iViy brief task is over , t . itay ypnr own soon begin I . Through gratefulness for . the ^ hp § pit 41 ity I , have found 6 n your shores , through intense admiration for many qualities of English mind and heart , through sacred individual affections , which I shall never betray , there is not a thought dearer to me , after the emancipation ' .-of my own Italy , than that of a cordial active sympathy ; and of a powerful future alliance ; between your tiation and ininei ¦ Mt Mazzini having resumed his seat amidst loud reite- ' rated applause , the chairman intimated ; that he was pre - pared to answer any questions which any person present might wish to put to him . There , was no response to this invitation . - The company then partook of refreshments ; and shortly afterwards dispersed .
: . ¦ ¦ ¦ Fif Leaiii ' ^P^T^Toa Y?
: . ¦ ¦ ¦ fif LEAiii ' ^ P ^ T ^ toA Y ?
. Ijo#P #Bahviiit<E On The Eight Of ' " ...
. IjO # P # BAHVIIit < E ON THE EIGHT OF ' " ' . " ¦ '"¦' . ' .. ' ¦ : ' v- 'Asintm . V .- _ ..,. ; In 1846 , certain Americans landed mMTreland , and were arrested on suspicion of being implicated in the seditious and revolutionary plans of t ^ e Xpung tielanders . Lord Palmerston , on that occasion , forwarded a very strong remonstrance to Mr .: Bancroft , then envoy from the United States in London , on the subject oi : proceedings " of the most hostile character towards the British Government" -which had then recently taken place in the United States . He complained that " not only had private associations been formed , but public
meetings held , for the avowed purpose of encouraging , assisting , nnd Organizing rebellion in Ireland / ' and he denounced with just indignation the acts of these " conspirators in the United ; States , against the peace of a country in . friendly relations i with , their own Government . " Be added , that , as the powers of the President were very iiMwty ^ ifr ^ hop * ; oyn < j fliepp wufou ""? 0 such proceedings , the Americans must not take it amiss that Her Majesty ' s Government should resort to measures of precaution and of repression in regnrd to persons > whatever their nationality might bo , who in this posture of ; affaits should come from the United States
to this realm . A . parallel enso , has just . arisen . Bussia , Austria , Franco , apd the Germanic Diet sent , a remonatranto to Lard Granvillo couched "in nearly similar terms , and " urgently demanding" that " immediate and nctivo steps" might bo taken by our " Government , to put a stop to those intrigues and conspiracies against tho Governments of various European Powers in which foreign refugees now in England nro asserted to bo engaged . " The reply to this insulting demand was madb'by the new Foreign Secretary dn tho 13 th of January . Lord Granvillo states the ErigHpli law , which gives full protection to , all persons remdent within tho limits of our Empire , whether natives or sfrungors .
Ho points out ' that in the matters referred to , jtloyaliat as well as Republican exiles havo found , a refuge among us ; ami that onlyiii so far us refugees brenk tho law , or come within the jurisdiction of Hpccial low * l ' Alien Acjts , can they bo molested , aiToatod ,, or" punched . "With reAirencc to tho intimation Unit exceptional niohsurps rtf prpcimtion may bo taken , agajust British subjects traydling ' abroi ^ , J , Icr Aim ' esty ' s Government , cannot oomplajn if , while inaurrccf , ion is paging , or . its i !« rneifl scarcely extinguished , foreign iQovcrnmonia aliould tuko procautiona against quspected English travellers . " Her Majesty ' s Government adhoro . to the princip le laid down by Vjsopunt Palmorston ( n hfs note of tho tfOtJiof September , 1848 , to tha United States ' , enyby at th « Court ; in icMou to certain Citizen * of tlw United States ,
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), Feb. 14, 1852, page 8, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_14021852/page/8/
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