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s m Nov. 15, i85ij tffce fteaiset. i°05
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REFUGEES AND THE " TIMES." 18, Queen Ann...
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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The Suff11aqe Agitation—Hones Ly Best Po...
4 W vou desire to protect the Little Pedhngton propagandists from that freedom of examination you Jccord to the questions of " our religion , morals , » nd social institutions" ? . Your inconsistency is the more apparent , seeing in the selfsame article , you severely—and , let me add , Justly—criticise " the shortcomings" of the workine classes . In that criticism I fully concur . But , while censurin g the slavish apathy and criminal indifference of the great hody of the working classes to their own rights and welfare , let me add the . expression of my firm belief , that the course least likely to inspire the people with political virtue is for their instructors and leaders to show themselves uncertain , unstable , and " blown about by every wind of doctrine" : — " To one cause constant never . "
You are pleased to speak of the difference between D emocratic , and the Moderate , Reformers , as " a fight about words and fractional distinctions . " The fight —if fight it be—is over matter much more serious . On the one side , it is desired to enfranchise ail ; on the other , to exclude the poorest those who most need the protection of representation . On the one side , it is desired to establish a system which will enable the people to select their representatives from any class , not exceptiug the poorest , hand-loom weavers and agricultural labourers ; on the other . fto perpetuate in practice the property qualification for representatives . On the one side , it is desired to make the representatives the delegates of the people ' s will ; on the other , to make them the people's masters
by giving them a three years lease of power . Call you these differences * ' fractional distinctions " r The distinction is just this : —The advocates of the Charter desire to establish the reign of Democracy . The advocates of " the little Charter " desiie ' to garrison the existing institutions of the country agains the encroachments of the democratic spirit . " You repeat your version of the meaning of the Parliamentary Reformers' programme . Permit me of
to ask , Do you speak with the voice authority ? Do you share in the Councils of the Poultry ? Will Sir Joshua and Co ., endorse your interpretation of their doubtful revelation ? Can they not speak for themselves , and thereby dispose of all doubts . You affirm that " nothing is said about rate-paying clauses . " Truly . But I affirm something was said , to wit , " that the voters shall consist of those who ' shall be rated , or shall have claimed to be rated to the relief of the poor . '" Has that qualification been thrown overboard , or has it not ? If dispensed with ,
what is thenew system of qualification , or registration , adopted by the Reformers ? Plain answers to these queries will oblige . As regards the country in which I am at present sojourning , any system of suffrage mixed up with any kind of poor-law qualification , w . ould be as absurd as irijust . One fourth of the parishes of Scotland are not rated to the relief of the poor at all ; and in the remaining three- fourths there are several modes of assessing the poor's rates—I believe to the number of four or live—and these modes are continually changing . _ _
. . . The poor ' s rate system of Scotland is not more varied , and varying , than are the principles (?) of those who forsake " explicit and unqualified universal suffrage , " for some half-hearted compromise . Mr . Fox , we are told { Leader , November 1 ) , " is in favour of more extended reform than that proposed by the National Association ; " but nevertheless supports that which he admits to be incomplete and therefore in just . Mr . Hume , on the other hand , evidently
holds himself at liberty to vote for something less than the above-named scheme , should any such turn up and obtain the sanction of the middle classes . His recent exhibition at Edinburgh presented the pitiable spectacle of a political leader (!) destitute of a political principle . Don Quixote , Dr . Syntax , and " the gentleman in search of a religion" were never more bothered than the member for Montrose appears to have been , in his travels in quest of a party and a
programme . Like yourself I "do not undervalue vigorous lanfuage , " if honestly employed . But by politicians unguage is too often employed , not to expreas , but to conceal , their real aims ; in fact , to use a homely simile , for the purpose of throwing dust in the eyes of the people . " You declare your " little respect for politicians whose words are larger than their achievements . " I agree , for I have not forgotten the Reform Xlill agitation . You , too , must remember " the vigorous language" of that time : the orations of
of " Slashing Hurry " ( not then " Lord " ) Brougham , who—not long alter " the three glorious days "—promised the people of Yorkshire n gnme at football with King ' s heads ; and the multitudinous speeches of other " vigorous " orators who held forth in the same » tyle . Regard for your space forbids me supplying quotations . You know tho grand " achievements « f those " bold " and " hearty " orators : " the bill , the whole bill , undnothing but tho bill ; " " a mockery , a delusion , < md u snare . "
It muy bo that in spite of all warnings the masses "will allow themselves to bo again " taken in and done for . " But cun an honest man find any iufltiflcation
for aiding and assisting in , or conniving at , the proposed experiment on popular credulity ?" You profess to " have little agreement with politicians who tell the people they ought to have the Charter ; since we believe that a people united and resolved can have whatever it demands . " No one will dispute the truism of the last part of the above sentence . But how will you get the people united and resolved to have the Charter without
indoctrinating them with a knowledge of its principles and a sense of its value ? With as much ( or rather as little ) reason I might reply , " What folly for the editor of the Leader to advocate an amended Poor Law , Cooperation , Mutual Assurance , Secular Education , National Aid to Oppressed Nations , seeing that the people , if enlightened , united , and resolved , could have all they need for their own welfare , and could break the chains of their brethren . " " If ifs
were horses , beggars might ride . " If the people were all as enlightened and resolved as the Editor of the Leader , your journal would be a superfluity . Over-estimating " the little Charter , " you underestimate the Charter . " It is not , " say you , " the Charter that we desire , but the power to exact the Charter . " Why not desire both ? Popular power , the exercise of which should be undefined , would be anarchy . In the state of New York ( in other of the American States also ) there is a party of " Land Reformers . " That party is by a long way in a
minority . But by the help of voice and pen , by continually telling the people they ought to have a just system of landh ' olding , the Reformers hope in the course of time to command public opinion , influence a majority of their fellow-citizens , and obtain their object through thepeaceful instrumentality of the ballot-box . But if universal suffrage had no legal existence , could the American Reformers hope to achieve their aim by other than violent means ? There might come a time when they would be possessed of " power , " but it would be the power of revolution ; the power of a party successful through
civil war . In humble imitation of that arch-impostor , Daniel O'Connell , who denounced those who would not be dragged by him through the mire of expediency as " Tory-Radicals , " you fling at men like myself the nickname of " Charit 8 t-Conservative . " What next ? This new coinage will not circulate . Singularly infelicitous is the designation of " Conservative , " applied to men against whom you make it a matter of complaint that they desire to " get the Beven-leagued boots " to go over " the whole journey " political progress " at a stride . " Would to Heaven that all Conservatives were of the same stamp ; and that all Progressionists were as conservative of principle as are the men you so unfairly stagmatise !
You say , " We estimate politicians in part by their success— -one real test of merit . " A sentiment one might expect from a worshipper of Cobden , but which reflects no honour on the Editor of the Leader . Raspail is in a dungeon , and Louis Bonaparte fills the chief place in the Republic . Measure these men by your estimate , and do homage to your hero . For my part I am content to admire the unsuccessful politician , the life-long martyr , —teacher , worker , sufferer , — veritable Ami du Peuple .
You say , " Our objects include matters which the orthodox Chartists of the old school used not to take into account . " This assertion , if true , would be ungraceful , unnecessary , and provocative of a rejoinder as to the past political conduct of Social Reformers —both orthodox and heterodox . Having no wish to tranform differences into divisions I abstain from that rejoinder . But I insist that your assertion is incorrect . I need not recapitulate your list of objects , enough that I make the counter-aBaertion , that years before the Leader existed the Chartists did 8 Dek all your objects . This is a question of fuct . Reference to the history of the party , the speeches of Chartist advocates , the official documents of Chartist bodiesespecially the petitions addressed to the legislature will prove the incorrectness of your assertion .
Even supposing Chartism meant nothing but Charterism , would you mend your prospects as u social reformer by abandoning the Chartists for " the little Chartists " ? The enactment of the little Charter meant the reign of Cobden , Bright , Roebuck , with aristocrats of the Newcastle and Graham stunp . Would these men give you the kind of poor law you seek ? Would they aid your cooperative schemes und Socialist experiments ? Let the history of the past answer ! Let the bttHtilled poor , the fuctory workers , tho miners , and tho London bakers testify ! Need I add to tho above ? Need I more than remind you , without comment , of the network of fruud and delusion wove about Kossuth to inspire him to glorify our villainous " constitutional" 8 y « tcm , and ut the name time ruin himself and liin cause in
the estimation of the Euiopeun democracy ? Was ever perfidy more profound , more execrable ? Yet tho Leader would huvo the people follow the guidance of tho perfidious ! What ! when in France tho question is simply " Unqualified Universal Suffrage , or Revolution , ' shall Britons , the eldest born of modern freedom , content themselves with any miserable modicum of franchise it may please aristocrat * or ehopocrati to
fling to thern ? But you say the people have not the necessary spirit to insist upon their full emancipation . Will you inspire them with that spirit by advising them to " move" for something less than their emancipation ? If the masses will not save themselves , so be it . But let not the Editor of the Leader sully his fair fame by sanctioning injustice and delusion . In conclusion , I will trouble you with a quotation from the words of a man who would not forsake principle for expediency , who saw through and repudiated the moderate Reformers of his day ; and whom , therefore , the Editor of the Leader may designate a " Chartist-Conservative , "—a former Duke of Richmond . His words may be useful to gentlemen in search of a principle , and may help to decide the doubting , those of whom Burns speaks as
showing" A hankering swither to stan or nn . Writing to Colonel Sharman , Chairman of a Reform Committee in Belfast , August 15 , 1783 , the Duke of Richmond observed : — " The great objection , in my opinion , to every narrow and contracted plan of reform , is , that it proceeds upon the same bad principle as the abuse it pretends to rectify ; it is still partial and unequal But in the more liberal and great plan of universal representation , a clear and distinct principle appears that cannot lead us wrong —not conveniency , but right L et us , then , determine to act upon this broad principle of giving every man his own , and we shall immediately get rid of all the perplexities to which the narrow notions of partiality and exclusion must ever be subject . " Yours , faithfully , G . Julian Harney .
P . S . Allow me to express my admiration of the talent displayed in your articles on Continental Politics , and of the tone which generally pervades them . I say generally , for I must make one important exception . The above letter is already too lengthy , or I would have shown cause for my respectful but earnest protest against your new-born sympathy with President Bonaparte , and your censure of the consistent , unswerving Republicans who have rightly refused to support that incarnation of perjury and villainy . As to ( iirardin . jy our special favourite , " the practical man " par excellence , you know , from his antecedents , that his fickleness ( to use no harsher term ) is as notorious as his talents . He is as variable as the wind , and as un rustwoTthy
as a quicksand . May the brave ¥ rench Republicans , confiding in neither traitors nor tricksters , trust only to themselveB for their own and their country's salvation !
S M Nov. 15, I85ij Tffce Fteaiset. I°05
s m Nov . 15 , i 85 ij tffce fteaiset . i ° 05
Refugees And The " Times." 18, Queen Ann...
REFUGEES AND THE " TIMES . " 18 , Queen Ann-street , Cavendish-square , November II , 1831 . Sir , —I beg of you to make a place in the columns of your journal for these few lines in answer to the Times of Monday , the 10 th instant , in which , in a leading article about the address presented to Kossuth by the French refugees , it says : — ' When the truth is known , M . Kossuth is not a whit more mischievous to us than the tribe of fugitives who speculate in different ways on the careless hospitality of England . " To this I reply that the refugees of all nations residing in England—I . They do not " speculate" upon the English hospitality . 2 . This word hospitality is here improperly used . 1 . They do not speculate on English hospitality ; because , if they praise some of the English institutions , they say the truth , because there are some to be praised ; if they speak against some others and preach truth , they do not do it in their own behalf , but for the welfare of mankind , therefore they act right . In fact , if they say that in England liberty is a fact and not a principle , they eay the truth ; if anybody will have a proof of that , it it will be enough
to examine any institution whatever in this country , there shall be found to exist in principle some privileged classes ; while , in fact you shall find that those who are not so privileged are equal to tho first , never , however , in principle nor yet in all respects ; such is the electoral system , that of property , & c . & c . If they say that it was not right for England to act as it did against the Established Church of Home , here , too , they say the truth ; because Englund herself has an Established Church , and how absurd
this is it ia uaelesa to say , because it has been thoroughly demonstrated already ; the fact is , that tho members of dissenting sects represent the majority in England ; nnd if this Established Church ih not so tyrunnical and insolent m that of Horn *; , it ih not by reason of the qualities of its members and ministers , or the truth of its doctrines ; but because it ia situuted in the midst of u free and enlightened society as the English in , and because here the opposition is not so lively as it is in Italy : the nroot ot it ia that , as noon us the Church of Rome attempted to penetrate into England by sendin K Cardinal Wiseman und company , everybody knows what a war was raised against them , and by what foolish and pusillanimous ineiuiH . But this in enough as roapeets England , becuuse Xdo not undertake to write a troatiso upon it . 2 . Hospitality is n word improperly used , Ac-
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), Nov. 15, 1851, page 19, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_15111851/page/19/
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