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JffovEJMCBEB 15, 18561] !PHJ IiFABIR, 10...
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KOSSTJTII ON THE ITALIAN" QUESTION. M. K...
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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Public Meetings. Xhb Southwark Represent...
jf'tte United States would make it a money question , md buy the freedom of their slaves . " Mr . Hadfield con-Jaded by a -warning against secret diplomacy and ibreiga meddling ; leading to war , and by exhorting Bngli & lnnen to attend to their internal affairs , develop their trade-, and maintain peace . — -Several questions and answer * followed ; in the course of which , both Mr . Had * field and'Mr . Roebuck said they had no idea what we nrere going to war with Persia about . Mr . Roebuck then rose . He said ha dissented from His friend'Mr . Hadfield ' s view of non-intervention ; yet , in ooe sense , he too was an advocate of that principle . He continued : — "T don't want England to be eternally neddling in the quarrels of Durope . I want her to
• onsider her ovm interests , for -those interests happen to je the interests of mankind . But she has a mighty power to wield and a great destiny to fulfil . She cannot move without the world feeling that she moves , [ f she moves in error , woe to mankind ; if she moves in the right path , glory he to her , and happiness to the people who constitute _ her whole population ^ I believe weought not to interfere in the internal affairs of other nations ; but while - \ ye abstain we must see that nobody else does so interfere . ( Cheers . } I beg of you to remember that we are at the head of the great Liberal party of the world . Despots banded together may oppress humanity , and therefore we have the duty to see that iumanity is not oppressed . Therefore I say that ¦
England' should , if she can , ally herself against the despots of Europe—against the despotisms which oppress humanity . I will illustrate this . You saw the Hungarians' rise up against that monster despotism of Austria ; you saw a gallant people making a gallant fight . You saw that people conquering-the Austrians ; but you saw that other fearful despotism of Europe and of the world—Russia—march In her hired hordes and put down that gallant people . Where was England then ? ( Loud cheers . ") She stood by and saw the iron heel of despotism crushing out the heart of that people . I say , if we had stood by and had seen the iron heel of Russia put upon Turkey , that we should have reiterated the fault committed when we allowed Hungary
to be put down . ( Ckeers . ) I sided on that occasion with . the wise and , as I believed , the benevolent object of putting our hand upon the mane of the great bear of Europe . No , I made a mistake . Zoologically , a bear has no mane ; but we put our hand on its neck . ( Cheers . ) In siding with that object , I believed I was endeavouring to make England fulfil her great destiny . And , just as I mourned over the gallant IIung « irians--and I must say , the gallant Austrians , too—and as I should have naourned over the Piedmontese if they had beeii oppressed by the Austrians—as I should mourn over the Belgians if they were oppressed by France—so I should have mourned if Turkey had fceen oppressed by Russia , [ t was , then , in furtherance of this great principle of
non-interference , not the non-interference of England Euone , but of everybody else , that I acted . QCheers . ) Austria , Russia , and Prussia can , if they please , unite ; and shall England stand by and see them swallow up , bit by bit , every particle of freedom in Europe ? Is that her duty ? That is not my idea of what her duty is . ( Cheers . ) I know that there is a part of mankind who believe that the only religion upon earth is the worship of the almighty dollar . { Cheers . ') I do not . I am not of that opinion . I believe that , for the good of mankind , good men ought to unite when bad men combine . { Cheers . ) Therefore I say , I united with that party which proclaimed war with Russia . I was in the House of Commons upon that solemn occasion when the message of the Queen was brought down to us in the House which told us that we
were at war with llussia . I felt groat sorrow ; for war , as my lion , friend has said , is a great calamity to mankind . I felt great sorrow that there was any man irnong the millions on the earth who could for some paltry , petty object , inflict that great calamity upon the rest of the world . But the blame was with the Russian , lespot—not with us . " He proceeded to say , however , that , though he " lamented as much as anyone that there Bhould be such an animal on the eartii as King Bomba , " ho did not think we should be justified in interfering by arms between him and his subjects . If any other power interfered , wo could then step in . "We have been the friends of freedom , of good government , of humanity ; but if we had narrowed our minds to tlie consideration simply of making money , of spinning cotton , of hammering iron , and weaving cloth , I think wo should have been a despicable people—not England filled by Englishmen .
{ Cheers . ) Upon this point my hon . friend and myself differ . I don ' t know whether he will take the interpretation I hayo given you of non-intcrfuronco ; but sure I Atft that we shall be culled upon to make this application very soon , for I believe thnt the world is now upon the ove of great events . We live in grout times . Talk about the apathy of the English people ! There in no apath y in the people of Engluud . 1 « a \ v thein riso as one man in support of the war . ( Cheers . ) I saw them "so as ono man in support of that gallant army we sent abroad . Wo welcomed them back—ay , with those heartfelt thanks which such men worthily deserved at our hands . Wo nro in a position so send forth our sons oira glorious mission , for no man will interfere with us when wo fullll our destiny , ami do not let any of our sons disgrace England so far as to make her an abettor ° > oppression in any part of the world . " ( Cheers . ) Passing on to the question of our relations with America ,
Mr . Roebuck said that no one ; could-value-more highly than he the existence of good feeling between ourselves and our trans-Atlantic kinsmen ; but- that even with the United States he would go to war if thtey did us an injustice , or if their ' Filibustering' spirit led them to attack foreign nations . A war- between , the two countries would be almost the greatest calamity that the world could suffer ; " but , " added Mr-.- . Roebuek , " rather than see America oppress mankind , I would oppose her , and oppose her to the death . " ( Loxtd cheers . ) He would not interfere one iota in her internal affairs , but he looked with great sorrow on th « m : however , he would not- express in public his opinion on that- matter . He agreed with Mr . Hadfield in
denouncing secret diplomacy , and be thought we ought not " to plant hired and salaried spies in : every Court in Europe , and call them Ambassadors : " he would rather we should adopt the plan pursued by Franklin , who said he deceived everybody by telling the truth . Adverting to domestic matters , Mr . Roebuck said he was opposed to all state endowments of religion ; but , unlike Mr . Hadfield , he would oppose tbat "greatest ecclesiastical enormity in the world , " as Mr . Grote had called it— -viz ., the Established Church in Ireland rather than the petty Maynooth grant to the Roman Catholics . He should prefer to endow no religion ; but , if he endowed any , he would endow all . Therefore ; he should persist in voting for Maynooth till the Irish
Established Church was put down ; and then he would vote against Maynooth . With respect to education , he wished to see it encouraged by the State ; for he would rather educate men to good than punish them for "being bad : He was opposed to a Maine Liquor Law . Such a law would have no effeet ; but drunkenness would in time disappear before the extension of knowledge and good taste . It had already disappeared in the upper classes . A very different state of things existed in the days of our fathers and grandfathers . " Then the door was locked , so that everybody might be put under the table by intoxication . Then it was thought a very fine thing to wheel away those gentlemen wio had : made themselves—I was going to libel the poor brutes ,
who never get drunk ( Jaughter )—who put an enemy into their mouths which stole away their brainswho by lying down upon the floor showed their total iliability to stand upon their feet . They were wheeled away in wheelbarrows . Now , that was in the time of our good olid grandfathers . We have improved upon that state of things . lean say that , in all society , since I have "been a grown man , I never have seen a really drunken man in a well regulated house . ( Hear , hear . ) I have , indeed , in passing along the streets , seen men—ay , and a more degrading thing , too—I have
seen women reeling from one side of the street to the other . But it is a mark now that a man is not a gentleman if he gets drunk . ( Hear , hear . ) I could wish to see some feeling of dignity pervade working men when they see one of . their order—for an order 1 call it , and a very dignified order—when they see one of their order reeling home or in the streets , and perhaps his wretched wife reeling after him ; they should turn aside with sorrow and degradation in their hearts to find one of themselves so thoroughly degraded . ( Cheers . ) Once inspire the working classes with that idea , and you will want no Maine Liquor Law . " Again thanking hia constituents for their kindness , Mr . Roebuck sat down amidst much applause
Jffovejmcbeb 15, 18561] !Phj Iifabir, 10...
JffovEJMCBEB 15 , 18561 ] ! PHJ IiFABIR , 1088
Kosstjtii On The Italian" Question. M. K...
KOSSTJTII ON THE ITALIAN" QUESTION . M . Kossuth delivered the first of hia three promised lectures in the Free Trade-hall , Manchester , on Tuesday evening . The audience numbered between 3000 and 1000 persons , including a large number of ladies . M . ICossuth , who had been received mth deafening cheers on hia entrance , was again greeted with prolonged demonstrations of applause on rising to speak . When these had subsided , lie commenced by remarking that "Ho hud not expected to hear that evening tho martial tunes of his own native land , and for such a noble delicacy ho must express his most affectionate thanks . It was impossible for any o > ne preseut to realize the full strength of the storm of soul-stirring omotions which thoso tunes could not fail to arouse in a Hungarian breast . He would not try to coinpaee thoso emotions in words , for , though small emotions might chattor , deep feelings were best muto . Those tunea were tho nnisic and poetry of tho national sentiment of the Hungarian people , and were fraught with such recollections of tho struggle for Hungarian freedom as inado tho heart of tho meanest Magyar swell witli a holy determination to cast off tho hated yoke of Austria . In those tunes ho ( M , Kosauth ) hoard his countrymen , past and present , calling on him to bo faithful to the cause of Hungary , and , by God ' s help , so ho would . ( Cheat's .
Ho trusted to the Almighty for tho iasuo , aud , ho accepted that music as at onco a warning ; and a happy omen of the future . Tins day , just live years ago , ho visited Manchester an exile , and lie was an oxilo still . Five years ! It wns a long time to sufler . ( Hear , hear . ) . Hut , heavy as was the burden of protracted udvoraity , it was a great consolation to be ablo to say , as he could with truth any at Manchester , that those who wore kind to him live years ago hud not turned tlioir backs on tho poor exile in hid sufl ' urings . ( Cheers . ) But it was not lilting that lie should waste tho time with , matters
personal , and he would now proceed to his text , —the ' affairs of the Italian peninsular—that country so great and glorious in its natural advantages , ita beautiful features , and its historic associations , yet , so degraded in its present- condition , under those Macbetha . who had risen to power over * murdered nations , ' and by * wholesale massacres . * But the Ghost of Fanqud was rising again , and ' will not die , whatever they may do . ' The present commotion , in Italy was not one of those movements which , arising from mere misgovernment , from incidental sufferings , ox other particular causes of excitement , might be put an end , to by timely concession , by ameliorations , or possibly by temporizing . On the contrary , it arose distinctly from
me sentiment of nationality . It was a struggle for , very life , and its essence was a determined hatred of foreign dominion . Statesmen who did not comprehend 1 the movement had acted the part of mere misericoTdiatn friars , or political Mrs . Partingtons , and they had proposed concessions as a remedy , but concessions were insufficient to heal the wounds of Italy . Italy was a nation , and its annals were engraved on the granite of mankind ' s immortality . Civilization , Christianity , the arts and sciences , all must depart from the earth ; the printing-press must be forgotten , and the alphabet perish ; and the peoples of Europe and America mu & be overwhelmed by another deluge , before Italy could cease tp remember her history . And . the people who had
such a history numbered 94 , 000 , 000 , all speaking one . language , and inhabiting a country which was fitted by the finger of the Eternal to be the home of that same nation . Yet the Italian nation stood degraded , as Prince Metternich said , a geographical denomination without any national organization . But until the question of Italian regeneration was settled there could be no chance for Poland or for Hungary , and , in the words of Bfr . JS . O & buck , ' Italy , Hungary , and Poland , ' must be the watchword and forerunner of real freedom and good govern > ment in Europe . Italy desired to he recogniz . ed as a nation , and would never "be at rest till the domination of strangers was overthrown . Protocols would not . driye out the stranger from Italy ; diplomacy would not effect
the independence of the Italians ; nothing shoit of a successful popular rising could achieve their emancipation . ( Loud cheers . ' ) The British people were practical , and , if there was no probability of success for such a rising , they would not be justified , byword or deed ,, in encouraging what would , under tliose circumstances , he a wanton and useless effusion of "blood . But those who argued that there was no such prospect were utterly mistaken , or they purposely misrepresented all the facts of the case , both past and present . It had been , alleged , for instance , that the state of things in 1848 was more favourable to the Italian movement than were the circumstances of the present ; that , such being the case , encouragement to the Italians was useless and cruel . ;
• that the Italians themselves were not sufficiently animated by the love of freedom ; and that the foreign relations of Italy , as well as her internal condition ,, were less hopeful than at the former period . So far was all this from the actual truth , that it was an absolute falsification of history . The authentic facts of the late Italian , sirugr ' gle were enough of themselves to repel the imputations as to the character of that noble nation ; and although , as was urged , Louis Napoleon might be opposed to an Italian rising now , so was Louis Philippe in 1848 . Napoleon might have a good understanding with Austria , but Louis Philippe was actually plotting with Austria . It was not the French revolution of 1848 which gave the impulse for the movement in Italy , for the latter was already in
full career when the former had not yet begun . At that period Austria , being preoccupied by the dangerof losing her Italian possessions , made inquiry of the then Preach Minister of Foreign Affairs what value waB inteaided to be given to the treaty of 1815 . That Minister declared , as late as January , 1848 , that France meant to aid in making that treaty respected by all the world . Tho British Blue-books- proved also th at tho Government of Louis Philippe was plotting with Austria for a combined intervention against , the Italian movemont . Tho Government of Lamartine , moreover , pledged Franco to respect tho treaties- of tuo Holy Alliance , assur ing despotic emperors that they had nothing to fear and the nations nothing to hope . Tho manifesto of Lamartine was a , marvel of humbug and of blustering nonsense . Then , again , Lord Palmeraton , could ho quoted to show
that he also considered the integrity of tho Austrian Empire a matter of importance . The British . Government , too , approved the Frenolvintorvention for the restoration of tho Pope , tho objoot of which intervention was to bring about an improved form of government . As if Popes aould be improved ! ( Laiujltter . ) The Papal Government was the worst of ali Governments , and could never bo improved , Avhatevor reforms might bo irttroduced . in thoso syatomsof rule which were based on conquest , on hereditary right , or election . Considering all tilings , it was evident that tho prospects of tho Italian movemont were loss fuvourablo in 1848 than thoy woro at present , whether wo regarded tho foreign relations of Italy , her power of resistance , or her internal condition . When tlio former struggle commenced iu Italy no man . Qould have thought a French revolution imminent ; but now no rouaonablo man could doubt that tho Fronoh
people would soon awaken from thoir torpor of national dognuUition , An effective Italiumnovomcnt might prove a trumpet sound to awaken Franco ; und us for . England ,
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), Nov. 15, 1856, page 3, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_15111856/page/3/
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