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1210 THE LEADER [Saturday,
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INSURANCE FOR THE WORKING CLASS On many ...
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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England Between Two Stools. Tun Position...
their total contempt for property , justice , law , or humanity . Take them in , their own acts as painted by themselves ! See Naples at this moment ! Poerio , who was for his character selected by the King of Naples to be Minister in a time of difficulty—whom Mr . Gladstone has likened , for the moderation and uprightness of his political conduct , to Sir Robert Peel or Lord John Russell—has been imprisoned since 1849 like a common felon , and treated as a wild beast . The allowance which his friends have been
permitted to make for his [ comfort has , within the last few weeks , been cut down to the beggarly sum offourpence a day , barely enough to find fuel , for a man in broken-down health , and in a dungeon unrefornied by any Howard . That is only the latest instance of the obstinate cruelty jvith which his Sacred Majesty of Naples has tiergecuted his 6 wn subjects for adhering to the law , when the king broke it . The throne of Naples is continually insulting and assailing the
subjects of its allies . Not long since , the Duke de Lesparre , a French officer sent on a complimentary visit , was put into quarantine as an excuse for barring his access to the shore . The case of Mr . Hamilton , " whose school was broken up , and whose livelihood was confiscated by the police , against a special treaty with England , we have recently described . Mr . Baggio , a British Ionian , has been refused admission into Naples , where he has lonor had commercial business . Mr .
Carbone , an American , who sought admission to Messina on commercial affairs , has also been excluded , notwithstanding the undertaking of the American Consul in Sicily that he should behave himself . Rome has just inflicted a new outrage on an English subject—Mr . Desain , a native of Gibraltar , imprisoned for seventeen days -without charge or warrant . Spain is another of -the arbitrary delinquents . With her broken-down credit , the attempt to get up capital for railways has set her Court and Cortes quarrelling , and the Cortes are dissolved . Her treatment of an ally has been shown in her half-century refusiil of a British burial-ground ; her faith in the observance of treaties by her conniving at the slave trade in Cuba . Her Court is
accused of dabbling in raihvays after the Capelcourt fashion ; of profiting by the slave trade , which treaties pledge her to put down , and which Christian opinion in Europe stamps with infamy ; and of encouraging a state of society in high quarters which is harlotry without its horrible excuse , and peculation without its official disguises . Spain develops these traits of her social and political system in proportion as she recedes from the company of constitutional Governments to that of arbitrary Governments .
Austria , which almost rivals Naples in cruelty to prisoners , showed her respect for law by destroying tho constitution of Hungary , and is now a begging borrower in the money market of the world , with elaborate apologies for the total i «< - solvency of her finances . Russia , the great patron and conservator of Europe , is breaking her treaties with all the
European powers , trampling on international law and justice , iu order to seize , Turkish territory as a " material guarantee" for forcing upon Turkey demands which all the other Powers declare to be untenable . Prussia , who might side with England , is trimming in a manner which shows that she would full into the majority , whichever side that might take .
Wo do not glance at minor states—Hessc-Cassel or Denmark . Suflice it to say ( hat cruelty , Lawlessness , breach of faith , iininorality in money matters , and in everything else , characterise the conduct of the arbitrary Governments of Europe . They are pushing their principles lo extremes , and are at this moment extending- their ground on the 'European field . -Here and there constitutional principles struggle for existence ; as in Sardinia , threatened by Austria , and by the other Italian Governments ; or In Belgium , forced to
prop herself up with an Austrian alliance : in the absence' of bold and open support from England . If we look within the English dominions , wo p hall find constitutional principles rapidly losing ground . It in said that they are declining in the confidence of our upper classes , who enjoy the privilege of governing us ; and that ; Russian priniplcs are rapidly stealing over l ; ho administrators of tho Hill of Rights . How far that is so , we cannot say , but what we do know is , that constitutional principles are declining throughout the vast'extent of British territory , and throughout
the vast numbers of the British population . Look at the American colonies ! By dint of rebellion they have gradually acquired so perfect a local
self-government that it perplexes all but nice politicians to know in what consists their connexion with the mother-country , beneficially to themselves or to us . If there were a . hearty sympathy between Canada and England , each could aid the other very effectually , and , for our own pa ^ t , w : e should regret to see the connexion severed * Nevertheless , Canadians do look across the border , and there they see a confederation of states united in a species of Zollverein , each possessing great political power and enjoying the varied trade of the whole union ; from which Canada is excluded .
Republican principles have made immense way in other British colonies . In the Cape of Good Hope the long-promised " English constitution " has been obtained . It was withheld long enough to teach the colonists how much they might get by threatening to rebel ; it familiarised them with the language of disaffection , and on the border they see the Anglo-Dutch , who emigrated as rebels , recognised as an independent community . The last meeting of the Legislative Council under the old system is reported this week * and a new system has commenced which must lead to still further change . i
In Australia , we see the colonists of New South Wales putting a stop to Mr . Wentworth ' s attempt at establishing a sort of peerage ; we see the golddiggers of Victoria forcing Mr . Latrobe to give up the fee on gold licenses , and wearing the badge of" a red ribbon to mark out those who refuse to pay . In South Australia , we see the leading colonists arranging a constitution , under which , while the Upper Chamber is to be nominated , the Lower Chamber is invested with a pow-er of converting
the Upper one into an elective body . And throughout , during the squabble with Lord Grey about the convicts , the squabble with the same nobleman about the constitution which he withheld ; the squabble of the gold-diggers with Mr . Latrobe about police and about the licences , there has been a growth of republican feeling , partly suggested by American sympathies , but still-more cultivated by the circumstances of the soil on which the colonists stand .
The influence of the Crown and of the Imperial Government is waning in our important colonies almost to nothing ; even in Jamaica itself they begin to talk of annexation with America . The English colonies represent that which Lafayette offered to Louis Philippe—a nominal monarchy surrounded , if not smothered , in republican institutions . We still force upon them , as if to keep open the sore , Governors who irritate , and that seton the civil list .
We see that the influence of England is declining on the Continent ; that her influence is fading in her own colonies . What is her influence upon herself ? What is that England of which we talk politically ? The working classes are not " England . " They are disfranchised , discontented , unsettled ; they are at this moment quarrelling with the employing class . They are not agitating for universal suflVitge , because they do not expect to get it . In order to get it , and something like a comfortable subsistence , they are emigrating at the rate of a . third of a million each year to America and Australia . The largest number of the people within the geographical limits of the British island is alienated from
England and its Government . If there is any "English people" which adheres to the Government positively , it consists of the upper and shopkeeping classes—at the utmost , the enfranchised class—about a seventh of the whole . But it does not , present the appearance of si consolidated nation ; on tjirt contrary , it is divided within itself into . several classes . There , is the shopkeeping class , not generally well informed , not inclined to carefor anything that docs not present a , profit , not inclined to self-sacrifices , not hearty in
support , of any other class , or of tho Government , or of England itsolf , at home or abroad . There h the richer class of capitalists , also pursuing , selfin to rust , and not much caring for Anything else . There is the nrintoeraey , which , diegunted with the loss of political power , in shrinking into a set of country gentlemen with titles , busying themselves about their own estates ml her" than the country , and represented in an Upper Chamber , which criticises imd softens the nets of Lower . And , finally , there is the bureaucracy , recruited from n miscellaneous professional claws , spi-iin" from all
the rest , but separated from all : the rest bv tV demon which haunts the Englishman from , th cradle to the grave—self-interest . Nbtfe of tW classes care much for the nation . They cam somewhat for class , so far as the interests of c \ as Z directly conduce to the interests of ¦ the ¦ ¦ individual —not further . The capitalists are very zealous about the rights of capital ; the shopkeepers want quiet and trade ; the aristocracy want to be left alone , to die , we suppose , in peace ; and the bureaucracy take up any humbug of the dav that lead to briefs officeThere
may or . is no , hearty sympathy between the several classes ; they can only act together for what they call a " practical object , " which means some contemporary purpose , conducive to the interests of each . Loveof country , ambition for national power , enjoyment in displaying the national strength abroad these are antiquated sentiments , and every class is more intent upon pursuing individual gains ; than upon sustaining the principles bywhicfr England has attained to her political , commercial an 4 social existence , '
What then i & the position of our Government , Supported as It is by a seventh of the nation , .. that seventh broken up by its own personal objects ?' The Government possesses the ; army and thenational strong-box , and thus holds the ; means of extorting from the English people funds for its own support . It seems scarcely to look beyond ; to keep office and rub on « is the entire aim of an English statesman . To avoid rather than to . seek opportunities of signalising his country abroad . But while speaking in the name of England , — while wielding the army and holding the strongbox ,- —the English statesman , as we have
alreadyseen , finds six-sevenths of the British nation alienated from him , and all the colonies becoming foreign , republics . Thus stands the English Government , -oscillating between Russian principles , which are gaining ground all over the Continent , and are beginning to submerge our own constitutional principles at Court , and republican principles , which have flooded all our colonies , and have submerged six-sevenths of our own nation . If there is any value in constitutional principles at all , it does seem time at last to make one move , one final attempt to renew life and action in those principles .
1210 The Leader [Saturday,
1210 THE LEADER [ Saturday ,
Insurance For The Working Class On Many ...
INSURANCE FOR THE WORKING CLASS On many occasions we have been invited to express opinions on projects of insurance for the working classes ; but we have rigidly abstained from doing so . The subject is one invested with great difficulty . On the one hand , nothing can ; be more certain than the facts that the working class—the staple of the people—its great producing order , require , more than any other class , the advantage of insurance against those risks which , injurious to other classes , are fatal to them-But , on the other hand , they have been debarred from the advantages so fully enjoyed by other
classes which need them less . Again , on the one hand , it is most desirable that private as well as public enterprise should be directed to supply ; tne want ; and yet the very nature of the business amongst the humbler classes of the community tends to deter large capitalists , to draw in compa ratively needy and ingenious men , and so to invest the portion of insurance commerce specially devoted to the working classes with more ot an
adventurous character . Now it is very invidious to pronounce judgment -on particular schemes . To praise one might imply censure on others ; to censure some as they deserve would entail upon us the penalties of the law for libel , if it did «<* entail upon us also tho discontent of many amongst that class which is peculiarly f <>»*<* " being deceived—the working class . It is for ¦>' reason that we withheld an excellent letter by
correspondent who signed himself b . 1 * - •*»• ^ . the first instance we cannot do better than exii ^ the working classes to examine into pi' ° j ' J themselves , and not to bo drawn in unless tii ^ j are thoroughly informed , and are able really ' understand the principle of tho enterprise vrw they join , unwell us the ehnractei ' of its prornou . Sound political principles arc here of no avi » ^ unlcHH an enterprise be commercially " ° " ' t ' will not stand commercially ; . and those wl » Pl their money into it will find too late tlmt money is not to bo had back again in the » ' >' . ^ the sum assured—that there has been a » oi tho bottom of tho box . , /> fo ? One of the difficulties which beset insurance
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), Dec. 17, 1853, page 10, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_17121853/page/10/
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