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686 THE LEAPEB, [No. 382, Jtot 18, Igflj...
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THE ISTHMIAN DERBY AND HIS DAEMON. Loud ...
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THE EDINBURGH TRIAL—DOUBTS AND REFLECTIO...
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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The Liberals And The Lords. The Constitu...
for Brighton . Such an appeal might be drawn up under the sanction of the general body , and meet with a ready and loud response . But even here we are only upon the outskirts of a Liberal policy . The principle of religious freedom is represented by the admission of the Jews ; "but beyond lies the continent of political Reform , and upon that the real muster will take place . Nearest , to the eye stands the Ballot : this commands the adhesion of nearly two hundred members ; of kindred importance is an extension and rearrangement of the franchise : unless that be included
little faith will be put in the sincerity ot the united Reformers . The necessity for Church Hate abolition is a mere detail in comparison , although it represents , with the admission o f the Jews , the principle of religious liberty , for which Lord John Eusselii has done something , and about which he has said a great deal . The day for mere agitation has gone by . The time for quiet political jointstock companies , like the Administrative Reform Association , and the Ballot Society , will never come . We must find a substitute .
And what could be better than a system of co-operative action between the Liberal party in the House and the public out of doors ? Certainly , there are men in all the great towns who would willingly form into circles , around which the middle and working classes would congregate . If such an organisation were formed in connexion with a mixed association in London , and the
independent benches in the House , there would be the strongest possible guarantee for effec ^ tive legislation next year . Nothing will be done in private rooms at the Reform Glob ; still less by the irregular action of individuals ; but it would be possible so to marshal the party as to present broad political aims to reflect the light of public opinion , and to create a stir of sympathy in the multitudes whose vague expectancy is at present mistaken for indifference .
The first necessity , perhaps , is a movement in the House of Commons . The rejection of the Jew Bill is an opportunity , not for a flash-in-the-pan , but for a campaign . ' Thank God , we have a House of Lords ! ' is the Tory cry . " What should be the cry of the Liberals ? Nothing seditious ; only a word to rally the real representatives of the nation and encourage them to settle , by one easy vote , a very vexatious question . If they will not , they are worthless ; if they cannot ,
Parliament is a sham , and the constituencies must measure their influence against that of the Tory peers , backed up by a section of the prelacy . It is not the Rothschild problem alone that is to be solved ; it is the Liberal party that has to be vitalized and put in motion . We have now no refcreachment ; wo have jobbery in high places ; we have irresponsible departments ; we have a finance administration , liable to every species of fraud . The Fritne Minister is opform
posed to lie ; Lord John Russell is preparing , apparently , to combine his forces with those ot the Government ; the old or-r ganisations are used up ; Liberalism must do something to regain its lost credit , or half the patriotic members will lose their seats at the next election . The first session of the young Parliament is drawing to a close ; perhaps the crisis of the Jew question may result in a debate which will , enable The Popular to say , when , their constituents fuce them , " We have nob sat for six months as dumb as dead
drummers , nor have we been drilled altogether into a ministerial regiment . " Lord Jojhn Russell's proposal of a bill to remove doubts has prevailed , for the timo , over 3 \ Cr . Dillwjtn ' s resolution to remove difficulties . It is a mere scheme for tiding over the Session , for amusing Parliament , and throwing dust in the public eye . A paid
Registration Association has done this , and we commend its work to the notice of the City electors . But if Lord John Russell hangs fire , Mr . Dillwyn " , we presume , will be ready . The bill to remove doubts may be disposed of without much delay if the House of Commons be sincere ; and then a s the Lords , in the exercise of their privilege , declined to admit Life Peers , let the Commons , in the exercise of their rights 3 determine to admit the Jews .
686 The Leapeb, [No. 382, Jtot 18, Igflj...
686 THE LEAPEB , [ No . 382 , Jtot 18 , Igfljfr '
The Isthmian Derby And His Daemon. Loud ...
THE ISTHMIAN DERBY AND HIS DAEMON . Loud Deubi is exclusive in his tastes and policy . He is anxious to keep the two Houses of Parliament politely select , but his personal attention is bestowed chiefly on maintaining the purity aud selectness of the Jockey Club . While thus engaged in protecting the two Houses of Parliament and the Turf , his exclusion is especially directed against two classes of people , we might infer for some common reason—Jews and gamblers . The author of the Irish Reform Bill of 1832 resists the admission of Jews into the House of Commons ; quoting in his justification Lord Ltndhurst ' s yhrase about the Irish— " They are aliens in blood , aliens in religion , and aliens in language . " Lord Dubb y , who is a great man for authority , also finds another justification for the exclusion of Jews . He turns to the Parliamentary History of England , and discovers that the Jews , presented a petition , through Manasseo : bek" Israel , Rabbi of Amsterdam , praying that their ancient banishment from this country might be
withdrawn . This petition was addressed to a person of great prudence ^ who ' acted as in all other matters with good advice and mature deliberation . ' Who is it that is thus quoted by Lord Debby ? His Highness the Protector , Oliver Cromwell ! Lord Derby is so decidedly Conservative , that if he could , it appears , he would uphold the Commonwealth ! Moreover , Lord Derby ; cannot abide a Jew , and he will not liave him either in the House of Lords , the House of Commons , or the Jockey Club .
While he is keeping Jews out of the two Houses of Parliament , he is for keeping out gamblers , or at least persons who are implicated in * flagrant cases of disgraceful fraud and dishonesty which have been legally established . ' His object , indeed , is a larger
one : "It has become a subject of general observation and regret that the number of men of station and fortune who support the turf is gradually diminishing , and that an increasing proportion of horses in training is in the hands of persons of an inferior position , who keep them , not for the purpose of sport , but as more instruments of gambling . £ Ancl although the cril ' cannot be cured , ' ho urges the stewards to exercise a ' wholesome influence . ' ] You cannot debar any man , whatever his
position in sooioty , from keeping race-horses ; nor do I recommend a vexatious and inquisitorial scrutiny into the character and conduct of those who do so . But when among their numbers are found those against whom flagrant cases of disgraceful fraud and dishonesty have been legally established , it appears to me clearly within your province to stamp them with your reprobation , and to exclude them from association on an equal footing with the more honourable supporters of the turf . "
In spite of the exclusivoness of this proposal , there is a certain degree of modesty in it . Lord Dkuby admits that ' persons in an inferior position , ' those who keep horses merely as instruments of gambling , the traders of the turf , or even persons unconvicted of ' dhsgraooful fraud and dishonesty , ' cau all associate ' oia an equal footing with the more honourablo supporters of tho turf . ' But ho thinks that the Jockey Club would bo justified in excluding any person who had been convicted of holdingmoney won by cheating with loaded dice ; and the Jookoy Club accordingly hae issued decrees of exclusion from the honth lib Newmarket .
"Now if any man will mount the Grand Stand at Epsom , and look down upon the host of persons who figure below as owners < of horses , or as holders of betting booksj he will not be able to detect in that crowd any tangible difference between ' the more honourable supporters of : the turf and sharp gentlemen who play into the hands of a Mi * . Adkins ; between gentlemen like Palmeb , who assist their racing matters with a little arsenic , or those who are engaged in the lowest tricks of the turf and stable . It is only the convicted that Lord Derby has any hopes of excluding .
When a man indulges in these eccentric antipathies , it may be supposed that there is some particular reason , and we infer that these two courses of exclusion have something in common . The Government , the public , the two Houses of Parliament , have discussed the subject of the Jew Bill without any reference whatever to a kind of trade at whicli Jews , by the policy of this country , were limited . Aa Lord Derby said ,, a Jew would have been excluded from Parliament
some years back , because he could not hold landed property . The refusal to hold that kind of property forced him , if he desired to obtain wealth and standing , to hold movable property , money ; and it was as much as anything the oppressive legislation of this country which obliged so many Jews to be usurer ^ and brokers . Lord Djbbjby , however , has in some way been stung by a Jew , or is jockeyed by a ' sporting p ^ rso ; n of inferior position , ' or he would not show this special antipathy to the two classes .
Historical question—Who is the offeuder ? In his speech on the Jew Bill , there is one mysterious passage which suggests all kiads of conjectures : ¦ ¦ — " A Jew may possess in some instances very peculiar faculties and very peculiar advantages , and 1 do not think on the whole that I should feel comfortable if a Jew -were made Chancellor of the Exchequer . ( ZawyA / er . ) He may very possibly have some natural sympathies which would interfere with a due discharge of the duties of his office . The Chancellor of the Exchequer may be a Jew under this Bill , and very possibly will be . If the noble Member for the city of JLondon should succeed in . obtaining his seat under this bill , he would make a very efficient , and undoubtedly he would be a very influential Chancellor of the Exchequer . "
Lord PaIiMeiistok would exclude the Jew from that most sacred office . Now it is not the religious principle that can disqualify a man for superseding Sir Geougb CornewalIj Lewis , but it is the blood and genius of the Jew , the indelible hereditary character , that Lord . Derbz dreads . What has happened ? What is to happen when the Earl next 1 ms to appoint his own Chancellor of the Exchequer ?
The Edinburgh Trial—Doubts And Reflectio...
THE EDINBURGH TRIAL—DOUBTS AND REFLECTIONS . Teh more reflection is bestowed upon the case of Madeline ( Smith :, the more do doubts arise respecting the validity of the charge against her ; and some points in the case are exceedingly difficult to reconcile with the truth of the charge . There is no doubt that L'Anqelieb was
poisoned . The accumulated evidence establishes the fact that he was poisoned on the 22 nd of March , and died under tho effect of the poison ; but the same evidence also shows that he was poisoned on tho 19 th aud 22 nd of February . Now some of the most eminent medical men in London , men well
acquainted with both the theory and practice of medicine , hold it to be impossible that tho Eoison from which L ' ANatsLiiQit died could uve boea administered to him by Madeline Smith , oven if he saw her on the 22 nd of March , which is not proved . Tho difliculfcy is to understand how he could havo got down all tho food , liquid or solid , in which so
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), July 18, 1857, page 14, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_18071857/page/14/
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