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278 TB1 LEADER. £3STo. 417, March 20,185...
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STATE OF PARTIES. Mb. Disbaem asks where...
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LOUD PALMERSTON'S AFTER-THOUGHTS. Iff th...
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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The Malmesbury And Walewski Correspondnc...
of the two countries ; and that it appeals , purely and simply , to the lp , yalty of the English people . " But it ia clear . that this feeling and purpose came detect tfrom the Emperor . The French [ Foreign Minister quotes his Imperial master ' s own words ;—" I do not deceive myself as to the little efficacy of the measures which could be taken , bat it will still be a friendly act which will calm much irritation here . Explain our position clearly to the Ministers of the Queen ; itisnot now a question of saving my life , it it a
question of saving the affiance " It may be seen that in these passages the whole of the demand previously made upon us ia still here , covered by the word ' loyalty . ' If we do not attain the objects at which the Emperor is aiming , that is , if we do not prevent persons -from going over from this country to assail him , we shall lose the alliance .- The threat is as distinct here as it is in the address of the 59 th Regiment of the Line , signed by Colonel Habdt : —
" But in our manly hearts , indignation against the perverse succeeding to our gratitude to God moves us to demand an account from the land of impunity where are the haunts of the monsters who are sheltered under its laws . Give us the order , Sire , and -we shall pursue them even to their places of security . " Or as it is in that of General Count G-ttdut , commander of the second military division at Houen : — " Let the miserable assassins , the subaltern agents of such crimes , receive the chastisement due to their abominable attempts ; but also let the infamous haunt where machinations so infernal are planned be destroyed for ever . "
But the most authentic explanation of the Imperial mind on the subject of the duties and loyalty of England is given in M . de la GTJEBBONisrrBBE ' s pamphlet , EMmpereur JVapoleon IH . et VAngleterre . In that document there is an elaborate resume * of the circumstances in which France has behaved with the most faithful friendliness towards England , and this is followed by a more elaborate exposure of the occasions on which England has not reciprocated her friendship . Then come such sentences as " The alliance then
appeared indissoluble . " " People very naturally say to each other in France , How is it , then , that it is always in England that attempts against the life of the Emperor and against society are prepared ? Is this what we ought to expect from an alliance so loyally observed during the peace , and so gloriously cemented during the war ? " Here follows a long list of conspiracies hatched , he affirms , in London , and extending over the past six years . And this catalogue of conspiracies is accompanied with remarks elucidating the
state of revolutionary refugee society m England , with its inflammatory grave-side orations , listened to by ' ten thousand people !' its ' "Wttmxe Beading Rooms' in which conspirators are said to congregate , and the Temple Discussion Forum where , so long ago as November , Englishmen were discussing the merits -of -regicide . In the last despatch of Count "Wawewsxi on the part of the Emperor , he disclaims any intention to inculpate lish and the mistake entirel
Eng men , lays y upon France , which is not informed on the subject of English institutions . We have alreadyj > ointea out how easy it would be for the 'Emperor to diffuse information derived from the Times and other journals on the subject of England and her institutions , bo as to correct the mistaken opinion in [ France : but what was the object with which ~ " * Tine panjpnlet ^ fTffT » iriX"GFtfI : SSTOfrritaB was published P It was to give a fuller and freer explanation of the real state of things in France as well as in England , in Paris as well as in London . And thus we have the
most authentic evidence and proof that the Emperor did intend to charge Englishmen with sheltering if not encouraging , but certaioly ^ ith debating , regicide and imperatoricide , There cannot be a doubt upon the
subject . M . de ia Gttebbonntebe quotes from a pamphlet by M . Felix Pyat , published in 1857 , the passage ending with the words , " " When shall an heroic hand settle the account of blood ? " Now this Pyat pamphlet obtained no attention here , but M . de IiA GriTEEEOinsriEBE treats it as virtually an English manifestation . " Is it not time to avenge the dead and save the living ? When a man raises himself above public justice , he ought to fall under the hand of an individual , " exclaimed M . Pyat . " More than ten
thousand persons , " writes M . de la G-tjebeonni £ be , " hailed these impious words , and the English press , in giving them publicity , either to reprove or to stigmatize them , carried them to all parts . The reprobation which they find in honourable minds is easily changed into complaints against tlie Government icTiich tolerated them . ' ' In this other passage the professions of the English people are contrasted with the things that they ought to do in a manner which is perfectly unmistakable : —
" As to the English people , they profess , - \ ve are aware , a horror equal to ours for those crimes which are prepared among them to be executed among us . But , without undervaluing their sentiments , without touching in the slightest degree the independence of their institutions , it is permitted to consider those attempts so often repeated as warnings , and to find in them the indication of great duties for all Governments . Thus , after the 14 th of January , there was but one single cry throughout France for two things—first , ' the removal from our frontiers of the assassins condemned by the Courts of Justice ; ' secondly , the interdiction of the pxiblic apology of assassination in journals or at meetings . " In the conclusion of this famous cor
respondence , then , we do not find anything to justify the satisfaction expressed by Mr . Disbaeu . The intentions of the Emperor INTapoxeon are manifest—he has only been deterred by circumstances from attempting to carry them out . If more evidence were needed , we think it would be found in the exultation of the IP ays and Gourrier de Paris , both of which papers consider that a victory has been gained over England which will give strength to the arms and diplomacy of France
in her future relations with this country . Now we have not to do with France , but with her ruler . That France , real France , has not learned to value the English alliance , or looks on with satisfaction at the perilous course taken by her master , we do not believe . But what we do believe is , that there was very" good reason for Lord Debby ' s satisfaction at the state of England ' s resources and readiness for even grave emergencies . We see there is the will ; luckily the way lies across salt water .
278 Tb1 Leader. £3sto. 417, March 20,185...
278 TB 1 LEADER . £ 3 STo . 417 , March 20 , 1858 .
State Of Parties. Mb. Disbaem Asks Where...
STATE OF PARTIES . Mb . Disbaem asks where is the majority in the House of Commons ? It fell from Lord Paimbbston ; it has not followed Lord John JiussEix ; it does not yet manifest itself against Lord Dmuby . The truth is , that up to this moment no d ivision has been taken affecting the new Tory Cabinet . Parties are in reserve , and the only leader who has ventured to count his men is the First Minister .
Not more than a hundred and sixty members responded to a somewhat pressing solicitation—five or ten less than liavo been accustomed to obey similar signals from Lord John Hussein . If this be all the regular support Lord Djsejjy can command , his r ^ feiT iin ateM ^ dTHQHl ^ since 1852 . That probabl y is the fuct of tho matter , Toryism , as a solid section in Parliament , has dwindled year by year , and it is impossible not to detect , in the language of tine Conservative journals , a constant appeal to something apnrb from constitutional principles , as if the question were , Who is to carry on the Queen ' s Government ? Indisputably the majority in the House
of Commons belonged last year to Lord Palmebston ; but it belongs to him no longer . His own subordinates have told liim the reason why . Mr . Osbobne referred to his indiscreet and careless personal conduc t ; Mr . Hobsman asked whether he was to trust a Minister who , with an immense Libe ml majority , habitually relied upon Conservative
votes , and complained that there had bee n neither a Liberal party in power nor a Liberal party in opposition . Nothing that Lord PaIiMEBStok may do will have the effect of restoring him that reputation which he has wantonly sacrificed . The late Sir Bobebt Peel declared that one of the first duties and highest ambitions of a political leader should be to stand well with the
House of Commons . Lord Palmebston has neglected this duty , and pretended to despise this ambition ; and whenever the present transition Ministry dies a natural death , ib will not be through any desire in Parliament to revive a Dictatorship . Both Houses are waiting for a glimpse of Derby-Disraeli te policy , or , as Lord John KtrssEi / ii hinted , for a legitimate opportunity to vote the Tories back to opposition . Mr . Disbaeli , therefore ,
conceals his budget , the framing of which will perplex , his invention , sinee he has to meet a deficit and to earry his proposals against the criticism of three hostile ex-Chancellors of the Exchequer . He cannot reduce expenditure , although pledged in a manner to abolish the paper-duty , so that he may have to apportion a new tax , which will , in all likelihood , bring him under the influence of his fatal star . Here Mr .
Gladstone , Sir James Gbaham , Mr . Sidnex Herbert , Mr . Cabdwell , and . others of the same party will cross the path of the Finance Minister , who may be sure of opposition from the systematic Whigs . The next pouit arising is connected with the plans and dis positions of the independent Liberal members ; and , although many of these are still suspicious of Lord John Russell , we believe they are , as a body , hostile to the idea of Lord Palmebston ' s return to office . " With respect to Lord Derby , they have no right to treat him as a Tory until his policy appears ; but t
they want a Minister who will move in direction of lleform , and they understand clearly enough that the Government artifice will be to appeal to the credulity of the working classes , by promising abundance of employment and high wages . This is , perhaps , the stalest trick in the Conservative repertory —so old that it has ceased to deceive . Lord Derby ' s advocates will not persuade English public opinion in the belief that he has matured a scheme for ' reconciling labo and capital , ' and creating a plenitude of employment out of nothing .
The state of parties in the House of Commons is not encouraging to Lord Debbi . Nor is it favourable to Lord Palmebstoit . But the Constitution provides a remedy against Parliamentary and public opinion-- * juggle behind the scenes . What may be the result we do not pretend to prophesy .
Loud Palmerston's After-Thoughts. Iff Th...
LOUD PALMERSTON'S AFTER-THOUGHTS . Iff the two Englishmen in King Fhedinanb ' J dungeons had been G ibraltar Jews , LorO . Paxmebston would probably have stretchou a ~ chain-across ~ the-Bay-ofc-JHaples—IlJjMJL , national rights had been doubtful , he imgM have blockaded tho entire coast . Then . divino afflatus of a truly British Minister would have filled the House of Commons with Roman heroics . But the act of tuo Neapolitan Government having been on e of unquestionable illegality , and our coun tiymen having indisputable claims , llto f V nothing was done . A correspondence wo *
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), March 20, 1858, page 14, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_20031858/page/14/
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