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Sept. 21, 1850.] fa^t QLeatt et. 6n
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THE SAVINGS OF T1IE WORKING CLASSES. " I...
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OFFICIAL SALAltlES-THE LAW OF PRIMOGENIT...
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.
To Your Tents, O Israel! With Whatever S...
then the English Government , especially if it ; be of that purely stationary character which it has exhibited under Whig leaders , will deem itself placed in a position to suppress doctrines and put down the English People . The English People , of course , when once its mind is thoroughly made up , will not be " put down ; " but the toil of enforcing its matured opinions—the trouble thrown upon it in the process , the fear and pain which it will be obliged to inflict on reluctant parties , will be much aggravated by that state of politics , not only in England , but in Europe , which seems to sanction the prejudices of stationary politicians and their hopes of success against popular movement . For many reasons , therefore , it is desirable that the English People should thoroughly understand the contest which is now going on in all the revolutionized countries of Europe . Great punishments for great errors are called by religionists " judgments of God "; and , however Rationalists may endeavour to explain modes and methods , they cannot explain away the fact , that evil always attends upon any breach of primary laws . Since the outburst of the revolution in 1848 , several Peoples who have engaged in the struggle on their own account , have been traitors towards the principle of national liberty when it was at stake in the struggles of other Peoples . The Hungarians did not attempt all that they might have done in favour of the Italian People , by enforcing the withdrawal of their own countrymen from the army in Italy : Hungary has been conquered . Vienna flinched from a hearty alliance with the Hungarians : Vienna has been resubdued . The Prussians could not find it in their hearts to act with generosity towards their politcal countrymen , the members of the Polish race that had been bound up with them in political geography : the Prussians have been victims to the ungenerous vacillation of their King . The French consented to palter with the struggles of the Italian People , so as to place them at the mercy of Naples and Austria : now we see the French People on the point of being" foiled by a half-royal adventurer , and undergoing the humiliating and bad process of being set " blouse against blouse . " Look at home . The English People has suffered the English Government to maintain an ungenerous , inconsistent , and even treacherous position towards foreign Peoples struggling for their liberty . The foreign Minister of England trifled with the Hungarians by pretending a support when not a finger was raised in defence of Hungary—not a linger raised to obstruct that intervention which the Piilmerstonian policy is said to forbid : the English People shared the trifling of the Minister ; boasts were made of coming forward in defence of Hungary , the boasters spouting speeches , while Hungary was fighting single-handed against her gigantic foes , Austria and Russia . The popular representatives of England present pictures and panegyrics to that foreign Minister who has repeated to Sicily the treachery which she suffered at the hands of Castlereagh—urging her to rebel against Naples and then leaving her to take the consequences . England appears as the open antagonist of the Schleswig-llolsteiners struggling for their nationality ; and it is shrewdly to be suspected that in Austria and Germany the royal classes have received diplomatic support from England against their own Peoples . This is practically the mode in which the English Government carries out its principle of non-intervention—a principle which means that there shall be no intervention by one free nation to aid another free nation against domestic and foreign oppressors , while foreign Princes shall be allowed to conspire with native Princes in the subduing of their Peoples . The effect of all this has been , throughout Europe , that Peoples are disheartened , distracted in counsel , more awed by fear of crowned powers , less confident in popular opinions and popular movements ; that the royal classes arc everywhere reassured after the . panic which they sustained in 1 S 48 ; that the actual possessors of military science and power are replerigcd hi their allegiance to the crown influences ; and that the middle class , the money-holding class of all these countries , is once more engaged to favour monarchical government , and to disfavour any activity on behalf of the People . Even in Republican France the misled middle classes appear to be entering into some kind of intrigue to curtail the liberties of the working class . The reasons why the largest body of the People in each of these countries has been so easily deceived , and diverted from the purpose which it had almost attained appears to be these . In the first
place , neither the People , nor the leaders who were acting on behalf of the People , have taken any sufficient pains to organize a party for the service of the People , and to obtain for that party an extended influence . Secondly , failing such machinery , the People has retained no sufficient means of keeping itself informed on what was actually going on within its own body , and thus it has been the victim of delusion and intrigue . Thirdly , not having established any one distinct national commanding principle , the People has had no polestar to guide
it in periods of disorder and doubt ; and , therefore , those periods have always been available to political intriguers bent upon distrusting the People and breaking up the semblance of a popular party . It is chiefly for want of this master principle that the People has been unable to act together , that it remains exposed to the machinations of those who do act upon a concentrated purpose ; and that , with its immense physical strength and its great resources , intellectual and moralj it is weak of
against the political and military organizations established governments . Broadly considered , the interest of all the Peoples of Europe is the same j when a successful example of ' oppressing one race is accomplished the interest of all races is injured . It is of the utmost importance , therefore , that the Peoples of Europe should understand this common interest , and should do all that in them lies towards maintaining that common , interest wherever it is attacked . The English People could do much through its Government .
It is said in the passage which we have quoted that an attempt is to be made towards the deportation of the representatives of foreign Peoples who have taken refuge in our country , as similar representatives were repelled by our officials at Malta . \ Ve do not apprehend that any such intention can exist ; but , if ever the project should be set on foot , it is well that the English People should understand that , not only a sympathy , but a common interest , is involved in the defence of . these foreigners . If those foreigners are reoxiled from our
shores a great advance will have been made towards restoring a more oppressive Government over the English People . We do not believe that the English People would suffer that outpost to be taken ; but , in order to fortify them by conviction , to concentrate their purpose by thorough intelligence of political relations , it is very desirable that their leaders should speedily enunciate some leading principle which shall uuibe the English People , and thus enable it to act with the power of unity and independence .
Sept. 21, 1850.] Fa^T Qleatt Et. 6n
Sept . 21 , 1850 . ] fa ^ t QLeatt et . 6 n
The Savings Of T1ie Working Classes. " I...
THE SAVINGS OF T 1 IE WORKING CLASSES . " It is possible for the poon-st young man in Germany , Switzerland , the Tyrol , Mclgium , Holland , France , Denmark , Sweden , and Norway , to purchase a garden or a farm if lie is i'ltelligmt , prudent , ami seH-denyiiiff . It is a safer and more agreeable one than that of a little shop , which is the only one open to a poor pua & aut in England . "—Kay on ihe Social Condition of the People . " To a man who looks with sympathy and brotherly regard on
the mass of the people , who is chielly interested in the ' lower classes , ' Kngland must present much that is repulsive . * * The condition of the lower classes at the present moment is a mournful comment on English institutions and civilization . ? It is a striking fact that the private charity of ling-land , though almost incredible , makes liltli ; impression on this mass of misery —thus teaching the rich and titled to bo just before they are generous , and not to look to private munificence us a remedy for the evils of selfish institutions . "—Dr . Vlnxnning .
When Napoleon called us < a nation of shopkeepers , " the sarcasm conveyed a melancholy truth which is every day becoming more and more literally descriptive of our social condition . Several causes have contributed to this , and one of the chief has been the want of any channel , excepting trade , in which the industrious classes could profitably invest their savings . During the last eighty or ninety years the readiest mode in which thrifty people have been able to turn their savings to good account has been in retail trade of some kind or other . The result is , that every branch of shopkeeping is now excessively overdone , having two or three times the number of hands in it which the
wantsNpf the community require j that shop-rents have risen enormously in nil large towns , to the great aggrandizement of idle landlords j and that hardly one-fourth . of all this crowd of shopkeepers can make more than a bare living " , while the desperate competition to which all are necessarily subjected forces them to lead a life of continual harassing care and anxiety . The most obvious remedy for this sad state of things would be the total abolition of the land monopoly . Were this great reform accomplished , what is called ** surplus labour and cnpil . nl , " instead of being wasted in suicidal competition , would at once have free access to the best possible field for their profitable employment . Were the sale of
land as free in England as it is on the Continent ; we should see double the amount of capital and labour invested in its cultivation , to the incalculable advantage of all classes . , m ¦ In France , Germany , and other Continental countries , ah industrious , frugal working riiaii , wtib refrains from marriage till he is thirty , may easily save as much as will enable him t ° l > uy & small piece of land , from which he may , by his owil industry , derive a comfortable living . lii England , the working classes have no such inducement to save , and , therefore , fevf of them acquire habits of thrift and economy . The great curse of modern
civilization to the working man has been , that , while it has greatly multiplied his temptations to spend improvidently , it has riot supplied , him with the education , nor surrounded him with the circumstances which might enable him to withstand those temptations . We are surprised that so little attention was paid to this subject . by the select committee appointed , last session of Parliament ,, to consider and suggest means of removing obstacles and giving facilities ,. to safe investments for the savings of the middle and working classes .
Almost the sole point to which the committee appears to have directed its attention was the present state of the lavv of partnership , which places obstacles ihiHe way of any body of workmen who wish to irivest their inonejr and labour in industrial undertakings . In the blue book , which contains a report of ttie evidence heard before the committee , we find hatdly a single allusion to tne difference between England and the Continent as regards the free purchase and sale of land in France , Germany , and Belgium . In the report , indeed , occurs this remark : —
" Investments in land , or landed securities ^ your committee h . ive reason to believe . are much desired b y tHe middle and working classes ; but the uncertainty and cbtttplexity of titles , and the length and expense of conveyances , together with t ) ie co ;> t of stamps , place this species of investment generally beyond the reach of those parties . Mortgages on land are liable to the same sort of difficulties , and often also prove insecure investments . " Your committee think that the greatest btheflt would be conferred upon the owners of land , and upon the
smaller capitalists desirous of purchasing land in small portions , or of lending money in small amounts upon landed securities , by the simplification of titles and the shortening of conveyances ; but as the evils in the law of real property are under the consideration of commissioners appointed by her Majesty for that purpose , and as a measure for diminishing the duties on stamps for small conveyances and mortgages is now before the House , they do not think it necessary to enter into further detail upon the subject . "
The result is , that , so far as this committee is concerned , nothing at all is done to promote the abolition of the land monopoly , and open lip that great source of employment for labour and capital . In the outset of their report they say that * ' the importance of removing obstructions to the secure investment of the savings of the middle and working classes can scarcely be overstated ; because this is a consideration upon which the industry , enterprise , and forethought of those classes greatly
depend ; " yet , when they come to speak of one of the main obstacles to investment , they Content themselves with handing over the consideration of it to other parties . But what is to be expected from any committee appointed by our present aristocratically composed Parliament ? Before we ban look for any real measure of land reform we must have a real ilouse of Commons ; a body of men representing the People of Great Britain , and riot merely the aristocracy of land and trade .
Official Salaltles-The Law Of Primogenit...
OFFICIAL SALAltlES-THE LAW OF PRIMOGENITURE . In the examination of Lord John Russell before the Official Salaries Committee , the Premier expressed his opinion that the encreased expence of a Cabinet Minister , over his ordinary expenditure , might be taken at £ 2000 a-year . This , however ,
is not a general rule , as many of them go much beyond that . He might have said that it could hardly be otherwise so long as so much pains is taken to prevent men of small fortune from becoming Ministers . In a subsequent part of his examination , Lord John having been asked by Mr . Ellis whether there was not something in the consideration that the salaries of Cabinet Ministers
should be somewhat proportioned to the scale of living in the same class of society in this country , he replies : — « ' I have already said that I do not think that a Secretary of State , with £ 5000 a year , thinks himarlf at all obliged to live us a pc-rstm of £ 30 , 000 a-ji . 'ar ; but still I think he must live on the sort , of jsculu on which jursont * in society in London usually live . And the scale of allowances in this countiy is proportioned to out monarchical institutions ; whucus , uu-
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), Sept. 21, 1850, page 11, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_21091850/page/11/
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