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f g.|S / L,jE A © $Br. [Ko. 313, Saturda...
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OUR HAMBUBG EXPORT TRADE. The charge whi...
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¦ j PRUSSIA AT THE CONFERENCES. "We have...
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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The Latest American Diplomatic Papers. T...
»•*> # V _^ v " ' ———^—^*^ " ^ S 5 ELm—. m ^ h—^^—¦^^^ sSSSS ^ SSSSSSI ^ SS ^^^^^^^^ w ^^^^^^ MWMMBiMWMWBBWWMMIMBMPpw * ' *^^^^*^ contracted to that of apology . Our Government asserts that it abandoned the enlistment , and apologised . This is a quibble . When the apology was made to Mr . Buchanan ,, he wrote to Lord Clarendon that he should forward the despatch to his Government with great satisfaction *; " and our Government ( Premier and Foreign Secretary ) have cited this despatch over and over again , as expressing the " satisfaction" both of Mr . Buchanan and of his Government with the apology . Now , this boasted apology was made without reference to the fact that Mr . Ceampton was personally implicated in the recruitment , and that at the time when Mr . Buchanan wrote the American Government knew nothing of
possible . Lord Claeendon neglected that rule while speaking to Mr , . Buchanan on the subject of arbitration . So far our foreign secretary was guilty of culpable laxity . Subsequently he did put the proposal into writing ; but here again , as if to carry out the fatal rule of laxity instead of regularity , his more accurate method was defeated by ± he negligence of his subordinate . He stated his offer in a letter dated November 10 , 1855 , addressed to Mr . Crampton , at Washington . After stating the offer , he said , " You are instructed to communicate this despatch to Mr . Majrcy . " Mr . Geampton did not communicate it ; he kept it to himself until February 7 , 1856 . In a note to Mr . Marct he explains his neglect ? Vn-ic _ " As T xa-sm aware that the negotiation
that aggravation ol our onence . Nay , Lord Palmekston has stated in Parliament recently , that the American Government was satisfied , as if nothing had happened since the writing of Mr . Buchanan ' s note . That is , Lord Palmerston has spoken to the House of Commons , as-if Mr . Crampton ' s complicity had not subsequently been found out ; as if Mr . Buchanan ' s satisfaction in forwarding a . note amounted to the satisfaction of President Pierce at the contents of the note ; and as if that contribution to the correspondence expressed the latest state of it , although the interpretation put upon it has been expressly disavowed . Lord Palmeeston might exactly as well state to the House of Commons that Nicholas
of the question regarding Central America -was in Mr . Buchanan ' s and Lord Clarendon ' s hands , I considered the despatch as meant merely for my own information as to what was going forward upon a subject in regard to which I inferred you -were already informed . " Thus Mr * Crampton receives the most Important despatches , assumes that they are only sent pro formd , and puts them in his portfolio half read , when peace and war are at stake ! Eeally we are compelled to acquit our officials of malignity at the expense of thenrepute for decent attention to business . How can we accept the judgment of such men on the accurate interpretation even of + U ™ . sx- «« rW t ^ Mt ioO 9 TFhp-CT mwfeSS tO STLVe US 1 / t ¦ JJl % +
- . the Uzar naa no designs upon xurkey in proposing to arrange for dividing the inheritance of the " Sick Man . " If you will select your date you may make any statement whatever , by omitting subsequent contradiction and disproof . You may state , for example , that King William / is Bang of England , if you think yourself licensed to ignore the fact J . T- — .. t T 7 "i «» : _ . * \ X 7 \ -v -w -w- i *¦ T * . « M >]> a < 1 a ^ t « w X » « - » cm \~\ j ~ ke ^^ r \ mn n VY Uct £ UCOil
—, U .. XJ . U »| VM ^> A > y' * -m ; ** , / XT . O the real interpretation of the Bulwer-Clayton treaty ; but positively we are justified in asking whether they have read that treaty ? The treaty has been explained over and over again , but the explanations themselves rather suggest the negative of the question we have just asked , —rather imply tnat none of our ministers have read the treatv . Sir Henry Bulwer
VLLctli XVlilJ ^ AOjIjAAJU . > UJ . CU . HbliyL OU . V / ceeded by Queen Victoria . At the beginning of 183 7 , it was true that King William was King of England , and it was true that in the middle of July , 1855 , Mr . Buchanan had much satisfaction in transmitting the copy of Lord Clarendon's note to Washington . But is xnai uovemiueuu ui
signed it : has he read it ? Perhaps if they were to apply to that source of information , they ^ ould find that th eir arguments do not stand upon very good ground . Colonel Walker has indeed cut the ground from under their feet . To dispute about the nosspssion of Central America is like disputing
ax as jLH » M . e xrue me me United States z ' s satisfied with the acknowledgments of the British Government as that King William is King of England , As to the fact itself , it is now of minor importance ; but it is that statesmen
the tenancy of the whirlpool of Scylla or of the Maelstrom . It is clear that as the negotiations have hitherto been conducted , upon the grounds hitherto occupied , by otir side at least , nrn viaTraK non f > fMTlO t . rk tl . nrtTlfllllSlOQ . Xlie
. or importance JSnglisJb . snoma make truthful representations to the House of Commons . I The letter to General Watson Webb , which , has been , published , showing that Lord Cla- I rendon had , on a particular occasion , no hostile feeling to the United States , has , as the reader will at once see , comparatively little bearing on this question . Everybody "who is acquainted with Lord Clarendon shares the / t /\ Tvtm rf-v-r * V »« ili * a-P + T * e % + narw *< ir \ m r \ oll-tr Tick riaa T 1 rf" \ ¦«*¦ % *
question must be taken up on other grounds . We know that it is possible to rest it upon grounds totally different from any yet taken , I and we are convinced that when those grounds I are stated to the public , —when we are enabled I to show , as we shall be enabled to show , that I the whole disptite may be settled in the simplest manner , the public will be indignant indeed if it should still remain unsettled . i
% JKMXXXUJL \ JAM . k / VJUk « JA j UllCbU j if WVFAAWAAY } * JIV » * Ji * w . hostility to the United States , and that , if it depended upon that single statesman , it would be as easy to arrange all difficulties as it would have been to settle them with Lord Aberdeen . I Laxity becomes criminal where such frightful consequences are at stake . It is worse than carelessness in playing with fire to play with the friendships and hostilities of two vast empires . But carelessness must bo the very excuse of our official . It has been said flvei-fr . T * .. # ^ T « rl fir a ¥ > ¥ ? KTTr \ i " k * x r \ 4 V ! o , ynA 4 * . r \ TATA 1 * * t" . rfcl > »/ « # ~« w
t ]^ ( M ^* 4 l ^ M , ^> 4 VJ > U . - *^ K * t * -AMM ^ I > , 1 JLJ \ J * n V ^ A + ^ A ^ JV * . V ^ vava . . . ( jjQentral , American question to arbitration ; he . . .., ^^ t ^ ow owt the offer , but it waa simply in I t . . ^ pnyeiRat ion with Mr , Buchanan . He did I i , vji , pt jS , ay ijhjat the offer waa made in the name h . $ fv ) Atlne vCabj ^ et ; ho did not , according to all - uu ^^^ Aent jtput , the , offer in , to black and white . : ^^^ l ^ % i ^^ wai ,. 3 yiinisiter appears at all times " : Nimt $ ' ^^ 4 . ^^ i ^ t « iixeAta to writing ; a ivery ( dftfo :. i 7 VLl © ,, ; , wlxere misunderstandings are I
F G.|S / L,Je A © $Br. [Ko. 313, Saturda...
f g . | S / L , jE A © $ Br . [ Ko . 313 , Saturda y , I
Our Hambubg Export Trade. The Charge Whi...
OUR HAMBUBG EXPORT TRADE . The charge which we make against this present system of management in moral matters is , that it results in the most atrocious profligacy . If the proof of the pudding is in the eating , then we say that our cooks stand convicted . Scarcely a fact comes out which does not prove some widely-extended disease . When Mrs . Wooler was poisoned , much indignation was expressed at the suggestion that the poiin t
soning of people was not uncommon ms country . Was England , cried the champ ions of our fame , to be confounded with Italy in the middle ages ? Unquestionably ; if frequency of poisoning is enough for the parallel , we do stand convicted of sharing the crime of mediaeval Italy—the spread of Christianity , better enforcement of the law , advance of civilisation and progress of the intellect notwithstanding . What is more , the persons who are imp licated in these crimes are _ tor the most part educated persons . In Mrs . admmisiercu
Wooler ' 8 case the hand that w ^ poison is unknown , but Palmkr had passed the College of Surgeons ; Dove has had rather an unusual amount of schooling and experience for a farmer ; in Monogiian ' s case tno men were principally of a somewhat lower grade—put they were still surgeons and insurance ofifroer ; moving perhaps among tno working classesjpbut possessing some degree 01
¦ J Prussia At The Conferences. "We Have...
¦ j PRUSSIA AT THE CONFERENCES . "We have invariably recognised the right of the King of Prussia to preserve a strictly German policy with reference to the Russian war . We were the first to suggest the admission of Prussian representatives to the Paris Conferences . And now that Baron Manteufjfel and his colleagues sit at the Council Table of the Plenipotentiaries , it is supposed by liberals I and " patriots" that the scale is turned in favour of " despotism , '' and that Russia has on-inod ft vote . But there is an obvious reason
ishly , and more generally . Had they judged I the King of Prussia , not as his acts seemed to I bear on their incidental interests , but as they I were related to the interests of the nation he I governs , they would have perceived that he I has been wise in his generation ; for lie well I knew that , after standing aloof from the war , I enriching his treasury and preserving the I friendship of a powerful neighbour , his sane - I tion would be invited to the conditions of the J general peace . To accuse him of perfid y , and , at the same time , to approve the consistency of Austria , is a folly only equalled by the cowardice of reviling the King of Naples , and j encouraging the military scourge of Lombardy . The English ,, public should at once reconcile itself to the certainty , that liberty has gained
nothing from the Russian war ; that the presence of one German diplomatist , more or less , at the Conferences will make not a shadow of difference in the diplomatic result , that the negotiating powers form , a confederacy of absolutism and aristocracy , and that the lords and gentlemen who went last week to raise the Polish sympathies of the Premier , committed an act of puerile insincerity . Does the public believe that they , for a moment , imagined that Lord Palme kston would ask Russia to tear herself in pieces at the Paris Conference ? It is the practice in Japan , when a noble has offended the -throne , to send him a poniard with a request that he will disembowel himself , without delay . He complies because ,
by submitting to suicide , he escapes execution . But did it enter into the hearts of Breadalbane or Beal to think of Count Oeloff listening to a proposal for the rehabilitation of Poland ? It is time that this insincere and self-deceiving infatuation should be put aside ' - —" that this old , hysterical , mock disease should die . " A revolution that would cleave aosomi iiipix
into fragments tne mosc e e c vu . the earth , is not to be effected by the bland " representations" of a knot of dilettanti deputed to Downing-street by the patrons of an annual ball . What is to be done in Europe must be done by another process . Prussia is at the Conference . Well , the luu
Conference , with or witnout jrrussiu , u ^ have been no more than an assembly of diplomatists convened in the interests of monarchy and aristocracy .
why the Prussians at Paris are harmless . Their diplomacy is not morrf sinister than that of the other powers . Prussia is a part—and 1 not the worst part—of the continental system , which , from one limit to another , is dynastic , corrupt , and tyrannical . If En * - glishmen desire to obtain abroad a real reputation for political liberality , they must I consider the European Governments less self-
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), March 22, 1856, page 12, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_22031856/page/12/
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