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388 THE LEADER. fflo. 470, March 26, 185...
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¦ —¦ .. w. • . ... IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. ...
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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388 The Leader. Fflo. 470, March 26, 185...
388 THE LEADER . fflo . 470 , March 26 , 1859 .
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¦ —¦ .. w . . ... IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT . Monday , March 21 . MABBIAGE WITH A DECKASED WIFE ' S SISTER . In the Hocse of H . oiu > s several petitions against these -marriages were presented by Lord Dbsgannon . —Xiord OvEBSTOiiE pi-esented petitions in favour of the legalising such unions , from various bodies of Protestant dissenters , and from the Corporation of Xondon . ¦¦ . :. Liord Doxougiimore , in answer to Lord Bandox , stated that the Attorney-General for Ireland was about to introduce a bill to facilitate the granting of leases in certain cases in Ireland . The Indictable Offences ( Metropolitan Districts ) Bill , the Mutiny Bill , the Marine Mutiny Bill , and the County Courts Bill ¦ , were all- read a second time and passed through Committee . In the HotSE of Commons , the Consolidated Fund ( 1 , 222 , 383 / . 8 s . 9 d . ) Bill , and the Consolidated Fund ( 11 , 000 , 0001 . ) Bill were read a third time and passed . . . ¦' ¦ ¦ '• • THE REFORM THUJl > i On the motion for thesecond reading of the Representation of the People ( Reform ) Bill , a number of petitions -for , against , and for divers modifications in the ministerial measure , Avere presented by different lion , members . ¦' . ¦ ¦¦¦ ' : ¦ ¦ . Mr . DisKAEfci . having moved that the bill should be read a second time . Lord J . RtssELr . moved , . as an amendment , a resolution , " 'That it is neither just nor politic to interfere , in the manner proposed in this bill , with the freehold franchise as hitherto exercised in the counties in England and . Wales ; and -that , no readjustment of the franchise will satisfy this
boroughs , Lord John Russell contended that the bill before the House destroyed ancient privileges , without providing adequately for new claims . Presuming the present qualification as formed on occupation tenure , or as modified , and to some extent enlarged , by the various franchises proposed in the Government measure , he insisted upon the expediency both of reducing the minimum of the borough franchise , and of retaining some distinction between the bowmgh and county qualification . The question , he contended , ought to be decided upon the responsibility of the administration . He said , * ' I confess I am not deterred from taking the course which I propose by the observations made -the other evening by an Roebuckthat if should
hoii . friend near me ( Mr . . ) , we venture to interfere with the course of the Government bill Ve may have a dissolution of Parliament . I hold that it would be quite unworthy of us to pause on a question which is to affect ourselves and our descendants through fear either of a dissolution or of some threatened danger to our foreign relations . ( Hear , hear . ) It is for the Ministers of the Crown , if we come to a vote adverse to their measure , to take the course which they may think most advisable . If they should think proper to recommend the Crown to dissolve Parliament , in order to submit this question to the peop le at large , I for one should not be afraid of that appeal . ( Cheers . ) -Let them hold this bill up on every hustings in England , and
riiption was caused and some laughter excited by the circiimstance that the cry of a child' ( understood to be Lord John ' s son ) was heard to proceed from the ladies' gallery . The interruption lasted , however but for a few moments , and the ' . noble lord continued !' Adverting to the terms of the amendment , he contended that it . was ingeniously framed so as to raise a false issue , iy » d attract a hiajoritj r of votes / while carefully avoiding to challenge" an unbiassed verdict upon the second reading of the bill . The real question was j not whether the measure should puss into a law , but whether political power should pass into other hands . On this basis he consented to accept the issue of the present discussion , and stake the fate of the bill upon" the ultimate result . Lord then noticed cessivelthe
Stanley suc y various objections urged ngainst the measure . The trainers had been charged with refusing to recognise the just rights of the working classes , but upon analysing the various franchises created by the bill , lie maintained that a wide and liberal provision was made , by which every man who chose to exercise a moderate degree of industry and thrift could easily obtain his due share of franchise privileges . What the bill did not do was , that it did not admit the working classes indiscriminately and in a body , in which ens ' e their numbers would overbear and . swamp the votes oi every other class of the ¦¦ communit y . Two tests , he submitted , were available in the "determination of fitness : for electoral privileges . One was based upon education , which , being as yet new and untried in the
constitutional system , had not been included in the bill . The other consisted of , a moderate property qualification , and this was the presiding principle , interpreted in a most liberal spirit . wherever electoral rights were conceded under the provisions of the measure . The noble lord then noticed arid vindicated the Government proposition with regard to the treatment of small boroughs , the novel elements introduced into the county " Constituencies , ' and the
identification of the county and borough franchises . The measure brought ' . ' 'forward' by the ¦ ¦ Government was , he contended , practicable , sate and equitable , ifor did it deserve to be stigmatised as trivial or inr adequate . The new \ 0 l . occupation franchise would add 200 , 000 to the electorate , and the savings-bank , lodgers , . ' and' professional Clauses would furnish another 100 , 000 . He denied that the British constitution was aristocratic : it was more essentially middle class . The noble lord concluded as follows : — " We hear it sometimes assumed" that the Government of this country is exclusively or mainly in the hands of the aristocracy . I apprehend ; that is an entire mistake , I believe that practically , ever since the passing of the . Act of 1832 , ¦ ¦ what is called the " middle class" has had the : preponderating power in our government . In all countries the importance which belongs to the middle class and the amount of power which it possesses , lwe been taken as a fair test ot social progress . In England it is that class which has always most strenuously vindicated the principle of personal freedom , both against royal prerogative
and ecclesiastical power . It is that class which 'has given us Protestantism in religion and constitutional government in the State . It is that class which has laboured to protect the finances of England against the extravagance of armies and of Courts , and which has strivon to preserve the peace of England against the popular passion for war . It is by that class that British trade has been extended over every quarter of the globe , that British shipping has been sent into every sea , that India has hocu conquered , -America colonised , Liverpool and Manchester created . I sec nothincr in the manner in which the members ot Unit
Class have used the preponderance of political power rested in them during the last 25 yours to lnivko me believe that they are unworthy to possess it still , it may be right that they should share that power , it is not right they should lose it ; and lose it they-will if by an . indiscriminate extension' of tho franchise ( for you will find it no easier to stop nt Ok-inan at 10 / ., and what you give to tho boroughs you will not bo ablo to withhold from the oouiitioH ) you should plaqo every class in subordination to ono , and t mt one by no limit of its own , but by tho nature and io necessity of tho case , the least independent and tno least instructed . " ( Cheers . ) Mr . JI . Ci . Smir uhiiriicterisod the . bill as a spoeimo . n of i ) iocoineal legislation . He could mot understand , why tho county members in that House showod so much apprehension ot tno neonlo . For his wart , he fully trujttuil the ¦ people , t 0
and should vote against any proposition wiieuluuiH diminish their political rights . . Uclntf » Ilx [ H "*' , " : ; over , to secure tho accomplishment or a sutibtuoiorv measure of reform during tho prwwmt session , ana feeling that if ho votod for the resolution that oiycci would bo nun-rod , ho should y « lu lufiiliu * tho eosolut | iou ami for the second' romllug of tho bill .--i j oia Buuv wns sorry that the Uovornmont lmd ntroducod this bill , and objected to tho bill itfloU ,. noj only for tlio small moasuro of reform it mva , » w because It was reform not in « right « llroc-tioii . « unsettled everything and Buttled nothing . llo » V «*' vote for tho resolution and iiunliint thcblll . —*»«'• »« - «
await the response which will be made . ( Hear , hear . ) But if agitation should thereby be increased —if a-general election should give rise to demands which now . have riot been thought of by popular bodies , upon the Government and riot upon us will rest the responsibility . " ( Cheers . ) In repelling the charge of personal ambition , he glanced at the gallery where Lord Grey was seated , and said the charge was made by one from whom he might have expected greater justice , if hot greater kindness . And with respect to party or personal objects ,, it was his duty not to attend to such charges , but to pursue the course which , in liis judgment , was best adapted to promote the welfare of the country . He concluded in these words : " ' Seeing-. what has been
done , I cannot view without alarm the proposition which is now before the House . I have endeavoured to call the attention of the House to two of the main demerits of this bill . If it should continue on the table of the House , I think the measure ought to be discussed in every shape until at length , if not immediately , it is totally rejected . ( Hear , hear . ) I shall take this course , careless of any imputations which may be cast upon me . ( Cheers . ) With regard to this great question of reform , I may say that I defended it when I was young , and I will not desert it now that I am old . " ( Loud cheers . )—r-Ix > rd Stanley , after reminding the House of the resolution moved by Ix > rd JV ' Russell in April , 1835 , for
the purpose of displacing the Government of the day , observed— "It succeeded in its object . It drove the Government from office . It placed the mover and his political friends in possession of power , and having served that purpose ^ the principle which had been so triumphantly asserted by a majority of the House of Commons was Offered at once to fall into ; abeyance . It never Wtfs affirmed , and although nearly a quarter of a centuVy has since elapsed no practical action whatsoever has followed upon its adoption . ( CJlieers . ) t do not allude to this historic incident of which the noble lord , the member far the City of London ^ was the hero ( Hear , hear ) , with the view of throwing any discredit upon him . He acted , st in
I have no doufot- ^ -as atesmen tins country generally act—in conformity with the political exigencies of the day , and I refer to the circumstance which I haye just mentioned , because I am desirous of cautioning tho members of this House—and , above all , the liberal members—that to reject a moderate measure of reform docs not neccasstirily insure the passing of one of a more extended character ( Cheers . ) It is well to remember that in politics a lost opportunity does not always recur ( cheers ) . $ and although those whoso sole object is the triumph of a party may be anxious to see this bill thrown out , wit h out even considering what the result , so far . as reform is concerned , nrny bo , yet independent and moderate
men , in whatever part of the House they may sit , will , I feel persuaded , think twice before they reject an opportunity of dealing with tins great question , more favourable in" many respects than any which hereafter isi likely to bo afforded , Tho noble lord said the amendment , if carried out , would lead to this practical x'csult , —that no legislation uppn this subject could take place during the present session . No political party was now against Reform . Since 1851 bills had been rope ' atcdly promised ; but it was only under tho present Governmont , after eight years of promise , that a vote was asked to bo taken upon the question . In the present temper of the country no large measure of electoral reform was possible , and if tho Government measure wore rejected there was Halo prospect of any more comprehensive scheme being 1 carried , oven if it wore introduced—[ At this point in tho noble lord's speech some
Inter-House or the country which does n _ ot provide for a greater extension , of the suffrage in cities and boroughs than is contemplated in the present measure . " Referring , to the secession from the Government of two of its most distinguished members , he observed that it was an encouragement to him that they had felt objections to the bill similar to his own . He considered that the first eight lines of the bill contained its whole principler-namely that the suffrage in counties arid boroughs should be " uniform ,, or , as the CiiAxc ^ iL OR ofjthe Exchequ er expressed it , identical , and that all freeholders resident in boroughs who had ' . hitherto- voted for their county
should vote for the boroughs alone . This was a complete change of the , Constitution , a destruction of rights which had been enjoyed for a great number of years , and without any criine on the part of those in possession of it . This change was not only unjust , but it was a great public inr jury , as it would deprive the counties of the Iiiberal character they would otherwise possess , and . a power would , be obtained by which small boroughs might be flooded with votes , and nomination boroughs be . revived j to the practical repeal of the Reform Act . His objections to the first clause , therefore , were that it would be injurious and unjust : that it would lead
to great discontent on the part pf the inhabitants . of towns who were freeholders , and to a great power of nomination in boroughs , and that the only . remedy lor the evil it would create ; jj would be to resort ^ to electoral districts . <• I am not going to argue for electoral divisions / ' said the noble Lord , •• ' for I own I love the old divisions of counties , cities , and boroughs . ( Hear hear . ) Ifor ' my part , I have no wish that places like Winchester , Salisbury , Guildfor'd , and Chichester-should only be made parts of counties , instead of towns returning representatives . ( Hear , hear . ) But I say , if that is your wish—if the present Conservative Government wish to have
electoral divisions , which the lion , member for Birmingham denied that it was his object to have , being afraW oif being thought too great an innovator if he proposed such a thing ( laughter)— -but if . such is the object of the Government , then let us arrive nt that end nt once ; and do not , in respect to these small boroughs , let us go through this process of nomination , corruption ,, and degradation , which must excite complaint and agitation in the country , some <» ight or ten years hence , only to end in some violent proeoss , or by then making electoral districts . ( Hear , hear . ) I * ot us , I repeat , rather have them
iH'Oposed at once , and give to iionaon oo or op members , to which tlio metropolis would bd entitled under such a system . (" Hoar , " and laughter . ) Do not leave us to arrive at that end by a process which must create general agitation and discontent . " ( Choors . ) 3 Trom the . opinions sot forth In speeches by Eord Derby in 1804 , some passages of which he cited , the noble lord / drew the conclusion , that if a bill such us was now proposed by the existing Government had been brought forward by a llboral administration , It would have encountered tho most strenuous opposition fronv the' present lWmo Minister . Adverting to the second point touched upon in his amendment , namely , tho basis of the representation of cities and
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), March 26, 1859, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_26031859/page/4/
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