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290 ¦ • .. ¦'¦ , ¦ , • ¦ . ¦ :^- S: ; E ...
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JOSEPH MAZZINI AND FRENCH SOCIALISM. We ...
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The Society Of The Friends Of Italy. The...
the foreign intervention which would destroy it , it would be ready to erase the temporal power oi the Pope . In ldd , the same , We abolished it by decree ; it was the same tiling repeated—with this difference that _ the decree in 1831 w as only accepted , without positive signs , while in 1849 the decree passed amid the unanimous applause of the revolutionary republican , assembly . That is Italian opinion . If , therefore , the question concerned only the temporal power of the Pope , I would flow have answered it . But that is not all . Were it all , I would say this : that were the Pope limited to his own forces , were Austrian and French interventions forbidden , the Pope would not await the decrees of insurrectionary
powers ; lie would anticipate and run away in 24 -hours . We want , however , more . I do not quarrel only with tie papacy as a temporal power . We have higher , holier aims . We say that the Pope is no Pope at all ; A Pope , as priest ^ father , is to lead—to infuse life into a nationto direct that life outwards to action . We maintain that the Pope is not such a man : that he is not a spiritual power ; and , this further , that he has no c onsciousness of being a spiritual power , that the Pope is not only a man without any legitimate right , but also that he is an impostor—au impostor who knows nothing but that he has no mission , still to fulfil on earth . That is the question with us : we aim at the destruction , at the abolition of
the papacy , both as a spiritual power , and as a temporal power . However soon or late that the thing be fulfilled , it will be fulfilled extremely peacefully and easily upon a successful—and not impeded by foreign intervention—insurrection . That , I say , as belonging to the national party . The Pope gone away is gone actually—not spiritually , solely , but physically . The Pope is no Pope any more . The Pope being gone , it would become the necessity for us , and for the whole of Italy , to do what I shall' call , feel the pulse of humanity as to our religious question . As we should do in political , so should we do in religious matters—ascertain the general opinion by a general assembly . We should
summon , so far as the resolution goes , the clergy ; not only the clergy , but all others , laymen , who have studied the religious question : and we" should know from , them the state of feeling and opinion , as to religiosity . We should have the actual transforma tions effected in the Catholic belief by time . We would have a council by the side of the constitutional assembly . We should have universal suffrage , and we should know not what is the individual religious belief , but what is the collective belief of the majority . The verdict of the nation will be , as I said in the beginning , that the Pope is a corpse , that there is no power of guidance in it , that we want to be guided by the wisest and the best ; and that we find that the Pope is
neither one nor the other . We shall then have done our part . Italy would have legitimately declared that thus stood religious' -matters ; her verdict would be that the papacy had become exhausted , had fulfilled its mission—for it once had a mission—and having some three centuries since , it had nothing now to do—no more than the lies and the phantoms of to-day . Europe would give the answer ; but as far as Italy would be concerned , on Italy obtaining the freedom granted to other nations of declaring her opinions , she would have proclaimed what would be the death-warrant to the papacy , as temporal and spiritual . " ( Loud cheers . )
Mr . Stansfei-d requested M . Mazzini to favour his friends on this occasion with the reasons which urged the national party of Italy to rely in the future of that country upon a united republic , rather than upon a federalization under an hereditarily monarchical reform . M . Mazzini : This question is often put to me . Plenty of people sympathise with our cause , but put a sort of sorrowful protest against our declaring ourselves republicans . I will answer now , as I invariably answer those who speak to mo so . Wo do declaro ourselves republicans because we are repiiblicrens ; and wo are republicans mainly , not only but maialv , because we are Italians . The first point needs
no long explanation with such persona as you are . Wo are bound to tell our beliefs . And in political affairs not less than in others , truth scorns requisite , and is not to be overlooked . Every man aspiring to a great revolution in his own country , is bound to say I want such and suclv—is bound to say where the pcoplo ho is to transform must go . The frank avowal of the aim is the half , at least , of the guarantee of the success . It is quite clear that without the truth , or what I bolievo to bo the truth , inscribed on my flag , I have no right nt all to say to a nation— " Stand up and conquer , and dio , if nced , ' becauso it would bo a sort of criino to provoke a nation to do bo , without making them know decidedly that thoro is some truth to bo conquered . It is quite clear , too , that tho attempts wo have winc not
had in Italy , which have boon anonymous , n jiavo boon accompanied by positive pledges , have failed . In 1821 wo had a revolution in Piedmont and in Naples ; and tho common aim was the independen ce of Italy . The Cnrbonari Association led tho pcoplo , and believed thoy qpuld direct them without a defined political creed . People of every description , ot ' ovory sect , or ovory system , flocked to and wcro ' aecoptod in tho ranks ; for tho future was nil vaguo , and nil meant the overthrow of tho . ox is ting state of society . Tho revolution took place . But tho next uuv tho doubth arose . One man had boon fighting for a French constitution ; another for a Spanish constitution : another
for a republic , and for unity ; and another for unity and federalism . ' Thus when tho battle wan to bo fought thoro were no troops ; and in thirty days , ' therefore , Austria could intorvono , and dostroyed tho revolution . In 1848 , wo saw the samo . Tho people did not boliovo in CharloH Albert or in Pius the Ninth . But tho loaders of tho pooplo refused to explain thoir creed . Thoy said , " Novor mind , wo shall conquer throug h tho religious power of tho Popo , and through ' tho arsenals of tho slaves of tho King ; and in tho end , -when wo have usod , wo will overthrow thorn . " The result was tho overthrow of Milun and tho Battlo of
Nbvaro . It was the same in France in 1830 . The republicans meaning a republic talked only- of the charter ; and in the end a new monarchy easily sprang up , which produced the demoralization of France for eighteen years . See what we did at Home and Venice . Our avowal -was distinct . We had on our flags , " God and the people . " The people knew that they were fighting for what they believed to be the truth . There was , then , no Novarq . It was a fall ; but it wast a glorious fall ; and it was a precedent for the next victory .. ( Cheers ) . But you wish to know why we can fight for God and the people only through a republic . The question is : Are there the elements of royalty in Italy P Government is not a simple theory to be indiscriminately applied . It is a varying fact , the effect
of causes varying , growing out of distinct national elements . To ascertain thojbesfc government for Italy , we must find what are the elements at work in Italy . There has been no royal and no aristocratical elements in Italy . We have had persons calling themselves kings , and persons styling themselves dukes , and barons , and counts . But ^ the aristocracy has not been there as a . compact body ? with its own class , aims , and ambitions , asm Eng land , doing good , though perha p s unwillingly , but still being anelement in the whole society . There has been no royalty giving to Italy the centralization , and the unity , and the relief from feudalism , which royalty has given in France . Our nobles , our Orsinis and Colonnas , have been robbers , making war on one another ; and our kings have been the
results of foreign conquest—still among us , indeed , but as viceroys , attesting their origin by depending on foreign aid . We have no traditions of monarchy or aristocracy that > as Italians , we can rejoice in . We have glories only in the people , past and present . All our great battles , from the Lombard League to these actual days , have been fought , not by nobles nor kings , but by the people . Our great names are names from the people , beloved by the people—Dante , Michael Angelo , Cola di Rienzi , Masaniello . Italy has three courses—no niore---to take in the future : To accept a sacred league of independence between all the kings ; to accept unity with-one predominant king ; or to proclaim the nation , the people , the collective man . The league of princes would be impossible .
Would the King of Naples and the Grand-Duke of Tuscany , the King of Piedmont and the Pope , join together ? It is impossible , because the princes know that the result of such a league would bo the e xaltation of one of them over the rest . In 1848 such a league was commenced ; and when it was seen that the King of Piedmont would become possessed of Lombardy as his reward , the other princes Withdrew the troops we bad obliged them to send . Giobertiproposed such a league ; and no more may it be talked of in Italy . Well , _ can we create the One man we want—a Napoleon in skill and a Washington in virtues ? Are we to wait till Crod , or Providence , or chance , sends the man to us ? Such a man being sent would not , after all , serve for us ; for he would abolition Of
know he would be but leading to the speedy himself and the substitution of the people in his giving the people victory over his fellow kings , let us learn by the lessons of the past . Charles Albert was presented as the needed man . The people had foug ht at Brescia , _ at Milan , and at Venice , and we were free of the Austrians , except the Austrians who had fled to their fortresses . The King of Piedmont stepped in to lead , and we were doomed . The people were rejected . The volunteers and the Swiss were rejected . The people lost their enthusiasm . But we could have created a popular army and have begun again , after Novaro , if the king had not returned to Milan , instead of going his own road , ftnd forced his affected faith on us . He then deserted us ; and tho battle was lost on one side , without having been begun on
the other . That would bo repeated each time we had a king at our head . Tho republic , then , is not only a theory , a faith , but a necessity to us . Our beautiful republican traditions start with Dante , fighting for republican Floronco , at Carapaldino , and Michael Angelo fighting for besieged Florence on the height of Samminiato against Charlos V . and Clement Till . ; and wo see all that Italy has done has been done by republican Italians . But I say to you , Englishmen , do not give us your sympathies on conditions . Do not nsk us whether wo aro republicans or monarchists . Rely upon us , that what we , the majority of Italians , shall do , shall not be done wrong by us . We can do no wrong to humanity if wo listen to tho voice of God through our consciences and through our national traditions .
After some further conversation , and a short speech from Mr . David Masson , the secretary to the society , the meeting separated .
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Joseph Mazzini And French Socialism. We ...
JOSEPH MAZZINI AND FRENCH SOCIALISM . We havo received the following letter from MM . Bianchi , Louis Blanc , Cabet , Landolphe , Jules Loroux , Pierre Loroux , Malarmot , Nadaud , Wasbonstor , —five of whom were Representatives of tho people in the last National Assembly : — ( To tho Editor of the Leader ) / Sir , —Wo ore aware of tho sympathies of tho Leader for M . M ' azzinL ' But wo also know well tho lovo of justice that distinguishes your journal above all others . An article by M . Mazzini , containing unjust attacks against a most important fraction of tho democratic party , has boon published in a Belgian papor , and eagerly reproduced by all tho organs of tho reaction in Pranco . This article having reached London , and having- come to tho knowledge of a certain number of socialist republicans , thoy have feu tho painful necessity of replying thereto . They would have been glad to posB it ovor in silence , if only to spare to tho world tho spectacle of intostino divisions bo fatal to us all , especially under tlie prosont circumstances . Ujaliappily , tho hopo of avoiding tho exposure was
forbidden by' tne immense publicity given to nn o « L afflicting as it was unexpected , Scy wt , T £ * $ ? compelled to speak * ^ nd to their fellWlc ^ S ^*^ signatures are subscribed they committed ^ £ ehar ^ PS presenting * in their collective name , an united % S We do not ask you , sir , to take part m this dismitV . only ask you to put the public in . a position to i £ f « jik : witn whom reason , justice , and righ < JSel * ** ¦ ... . ' .. ' I . ' . ., ' " ¦' : MAZZINl ' s XETTEE . . ¦ ' : ' : " The Nation of Brussels publishes the following cu * cular from M . Joseph Mazzihi to ' the revolutionarv committees of Europe : rr- ¦ " What ought to be a ^ present the mot cCordre-tho rallying cry of parties ? All is comprised in one word--action-action , one Europeaivincessant , logical , bold , and universal . Mere talkers have destroyed France ¦ ¦ and thev will destroy Europe , if a holy reaction is not ff 6 t ur > against them . Thanks to such persons ; we are now in tho time of the Lower Empire . By dint of discussing the
tuture , we have abandoned the present to the first comer / By dint of substituting , each his little sect his little system , his little Organization of humanity , for the great religion of democracy , for the common faith , for the association of power to make a conquest of the position , we have thrown disorganization into the ranks . The sacred phalanx which ought to press f orward al ways as a single man , drawing c ^ ser together at each martyr ' s . death , has become an assemblage of free corps , a veritable camp of W ^ eristein ^ minus the genius of the master . At the hour of attack it fell to pieces on tiie right and on the left , and was found scattered about in little detachments , eijjlpi ^ here except in the heart of the place . The enemy was onedtecussmg nothing , but acting always , and it is not by arguing on the best means of cutting and clipping human kind to a fixed standard that the foe can be
dislodged . The time has come to speak the truth plainly to our friends . They have done all the evil possible to the best of causes ; they would have killed it by excess of love and want of intelligence , if it were not immortal . I accuee the Socialists , and in particular the leaders , of having falsified , mutilated ^ diminished our grand idea , by imprisoning our law , common for all , within absolute systems which usurp at the same time power over the liberty of the individualj over the sovereignty of Jbhe country , and over the continuity of progress . Xacisusethem . ' of having aimed , in the name of then * paltry individuality , at giving positive solutions to the : problem of human life , before that life was able to manifest itself in the plenitude of its cabacity under theaction of those great electric-currents , calledrevolutions . [ Laceuse themrof having attempted to from weak or
produce , at a fixed time ^ tlieu * diseased brains , an organization which cannot issue except from the cooperation of all the human faculties in action , and of having substituted their solitary J for the collective J of Europe ~ of having spoken in the-name of St . Simon , Fourier , Cabet , or any other , there , -where the point was to destroy the revealing agents for the profit of the continued revelation , and to inscribe \> ver the front of the temple , ' God is God , and humanity is his prophet ! ' For having forgotten action— -for having Baid , * what France owes to Europe is the solution of the organization of labour '—for having slighted the voice of such of her children as called oh all the dissentient parties to organize themselves on a
common ground to bear the brunt of battle , prance arrived , by Rome , at the shame of December 2 . The wholcr of democratic Europe must now aid France in recovering her position , as she , formerly aided Europe . She musk above all advance—advance constantly—advance alone , to force France to join her . The movement of France depend * at present on tho movement of Europe ; the movement or Tessino and the insurrection of Sicily preceded the-Kepublhe of 1848 . The European initiative at present belongs to the first people which shall rise , not in the name of a local interest , but of a European princip le . Should Franco do so , may God and humanity bless Franco ! Should she not do so , let others do so ! God has no chosen peoplo . sacrifice thorn
Father of all , ho is with all who are ready to * selves for the commonweal . From the alliance of national must spring the initiative ; and there is not at the present time a singlo nation which , in spontaneously rushing mw tho arena , or in nobly resisting , cannot raise tho two-tumis of Europe . Tho day in which the democracy militant ; shall have a government , an impost , a common ground , a plan , an ensemble of operations , it will have con queror Until thon , let if resign itself to M . do Maupas , Schwaisenborg , and Radetzkyj lot it rosign itself to / hmo , ™ tho rod , to transportation , and to tho gibbet ; and let it iina its compensation in the poruaal of the political novelsi wJuc » its Utopian dreamers aro always ready to write—tney w » not cost much trouble to be written . „ " Joseph Mazziki . " March , 1852 . EEPLT . To press on against tho common foo with » n nnflworvinff , and , if it may be , a united impulao , for the sake ot tM public good ; to sacrifice personal dfelikes , selfish P ™ tensions , potty ambitions , potty jealousies , potty grunt , , paltry rancours ; to beware ( as of a mfecbwvous W ; \ treating as enemies after tho dofoat tnoso whom wj » welcomed as comrades during the combat;—t pois » w the Socialists boliovo to hOi in tho present juncture , w duty of every true RopubHcan . . .. ft 8 l > or a man who , up to tho very day of tho lm « lo ,, W allied with tho Socialists , violently to attack the Souww on tho day after- that bafctlo hns been lost ; to w " them , tho oppressed , the hatred duo to thoir opprossoi 8 | and in the very heart of tho party , to fan tho flamp ot disoowls which a common dieoster might well ivovo ^ tinguishod : and all thin by recriminations dovo fd > k justice , and incapable of usefulness , without a PJ ^_ without an oxcuso : thus to stir up ft « V J , * £ % & follow exiles in proscription , and to mingle "MJ ^ aJl ( i had hitherto given itself out oa one of our own , wiin odioua ooncerF of anathemas in which tho pcoplo * onomi
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), March 27, 1852, page 6, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_27031852/page/6/
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