On this page
- Departments (2)
-
Text (8)
-
Untitled Article
-
Untitled Article
-
Untitled Article
-
Untitled Article
-
Untitled Article
-
iptllltr %Mx$.
-
Untitled Article
-
¦ <3/p % Jm ^ P 'kuPY u^^^ a Cz^O
Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
-
-
Transcript
-
Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.
Untitled Article
was applicable to other than Roman Catholic countries . It had been said that the bill would prevent synodical action , end the introduction of the canon law—a code which Lord Stowell had eulogized ; but the canon law , without the consent of the Legislature , would impose only a voluntary obligation ; and he questioned the policy of" protecting the Roman Catholic laity against a code to which they paid only a voluntary submission . If the intention of Ministers was to interfere with that code , and to prevent synodical action , he feared the resources of the Legislature were miscalculated , and that the attempt would afford another illustration of the impotence of temporal power to deal with mind .
" One word on the theological part of the question , for it assumed a twofold aspect , part political and part theological . Unquestionably there had been a virtual denial or non-recognition of the Church of England , and of its claim to be deemed a branch of the great Catholic Church . We had been told that our bishops were no ¦ bi shops , that our clergy were no clergy , and that our services and sacraments had no more binding force and virtue than mere civil ordinances and regulations of the State . These allegations had doubtless exercised a strong influence on the minds of many persons ; but , for his part , he did not desire his view of the question to be influenced by any considerations of that kind . He did not wish to trust to any act
of Parliament for the vindication of the Anglican Church . ( Hear , hear . ) He relied with great confidence on . the power of controversial writings—on the power of appeals to the good sense of the people—on the power which we had of demonstrating that the pretension of the Church of Home to spiritual headship was not only claimed without warrant in Scripture , but utterly opposed to it . ( Hear , hear . ) The present time was marked by no feeling of indifference to the Church of England and the extension of her influence . The opinion , perhaps , might not be shared by many , but he was strongly impressed with the conviction that at no periodand this was , in a great measure , owing to the absence of legislative restrictions—was the Church of England
notwithstanding the differences and dissensions prevailing in her bosom—notwithstanding the efforts of those who were labouring to overlay the simplicity of the Common Pray 6 r-book with the ritual and ceremonial observances not in consonance with the spirituality that characterized Protestant worship—notwithstanding the efforts of those who were labouring to give the clergy the character of the intercessorial and mediatorial priesthood which did not belong to them—notwithstanding all these unfavourable circumstances , his conviction was that the Church of England was never more deeply grounded in the affections of the great bulk of the people than at this moment . ( Hear . ) Looking around him , and observing in every ' ¦ '
direction the zealous cooperation of the clergy and laity in building endowed schools , erecting churches , and making provision for the spiritual instruction of the people , be could not close his mind against the conviction that the Church of England was well founded in the affections of the English people . Whatever might have been the past condition of the Church , experience had shown that it could maintain its ground without the aid of artificial support—nay , that she could not only maintain her ground , but make way against rival religious denominations by daily drawing within her pale an evex widening circle of the people of this country . The Church of England had nothing more to fear from the Church Of Rome . The basis on which our Church
rested—the Scriptures , which every man could read and exercise his judgment in interpreting—rendered her impregnable to the assaults of Rome , and he confessed he saw more evil in abandoning that wise and prudent course of granting full toleration to every denomination of religious associations in this country , which the Church of England , with a true appreciation of her own interest , and witU a clear insight into what was conducive to her real interests , had , tardily it might be , but still he hoped heartily , consented to recognise . { Cheers . )" Sic James Duke , Mr . C . Bruce , Mr . F . Maule , Colonel SiHTHoiu * , and Mr . Muntz supported the motion , as did also Mr . Bkothiskton , on tho ground that the ltoman' Catholic laity required protection : —
" He would enable the House to judge as to the right he had for entertaining this opinion . lie had received several letterB from Roman Catholics of great influence in Manchester and Salford . There were , in fact , no persons who exercised greater iniluenue than they did in both boroughs . They were the constituents of his honourable friends us well aH being his own constituents . He would road a letter which h « had received from one of them . It ran thus : — ' I feel considerable interest in the matter , and am confident that unless Government will protect- us all our charity , land and all other property given to our charities , will pans into the sole control of the Court of Rome . ( Cheers . ) Ah an Englishman , I seek to have our charities administered according to the Iuwh of our own country , and not by a foreign Court and under foreign luws . ' ( Cheers . )"
Mr . ] Iarin < i WAi . fi condemned the bill us an aggressive measure by which Lord John KiihhcII had rrciiiited his former opinions , und the practical effect of which would be to made every Roman Catholic a JuHuit , and every priest a spy . Mr Kadi , i : ir treated tho measure uh the product of a " No-Popery " notation created by a bugbear— -the rescript of tho Pope . Mr . Wii , NKi . i ( Iiiihow laineirted the backward Htep which Government had tnken . lie had been in Parliament ( unco 18 IJ 7 , and dining that period he had frequently been united to loud hia aid in removing ruli fjiouH disabilities ; but that whs the first time be bad hewn asked to nsaiat in imposing reaUictioriH of that kind . They had been told that tho country had
taken up this question in a right spirit . He denied that . They had taken it up in a spirit of persecution . It was clear to him that a desire to prevent the propagation of the Roman Catholic religion was at the bottom of the agitation . Thus we had Lord John Russell , in his famous letter , complaining of the Pope for having been guilty of " an aggression upon Protestantism . " Not an aggression upon the Queen ' s temporal or spiritual power , but an aggression on an opinion—on a sentiment . He ( Mr . Milner Gibson ) did not approve of this Ministerial Popery . Suppose a Roman Catholic Prime Minister in this country ( and there was nothing to prevent it ) , he might , if Prime Minister * were to give opinions upon such points , issue a proclamation that some other things were superstitious ; or a Unitarian might "write that the doctrine of the Trinity was superstitious : — " Then there was Dr . M'Neill , in his lecture at Exeterhall—orthodox person and orthodox place , as the honourable member for Oxford University must fully admit . What said Dr . M'Neill to the Duke of Manchester , in the chair , and to the assembled audience : — "My Lord Duke . " said Dr . M'Neill , " it is the bounden duty of British Christians to guard against domestic intercourse with Roman Catholics . If you allow domestic intercourse with Roman Catholics—if you allow your sons and daughters to become intimate with those of . Roman Catholics , you cannot with a good grace , or consistently with your duty as parents , turn round , after allowing the intimacy , and forbid the marriage . If you object to such marriages it is your duty to diaw up in time . It may sound very bigoted to separate man from man in the community , but I am persuaded that one half of our misery has been traceable to this domestic intercourse with Boman Catholics . If , instead of the unclean thing being touched and fondled—{ great laughter )—we had , as the Apostle said , ' come out from among , and be separate , ' much that is to be deplored would not have taken place . But you have fondled the unclean thing—( laughter )—you have dallied with it—you have taken it to your breast—( great laugJiter )—until at length it has turned round and stung you . " Mr . Scholefield having opposed the motion , the House divided , when the numbers were —• For the motion 395 Against it 63 Majority 332
Untitled Article
CHALLENGE TO H . M . OPPOSITION . A tolerance of the worthless is growing" to be one of the grossest political vices of our day . In its formi iis negative , but its results are positive . The case of Lord John ' s anti-Papal measure is an instance . The Opposition has abdicated its function through the working of some mistake as to its duty , or some squeamishness which makes it shrink from , vigorous measures . An idea seems to have taken possession of men's minds , that an Opposition is answerable for an act of misconduct if it stop the routine of Government ; but the notion is either a shallow blunder , or a transparent excuse for irresolution . The respective duties of Sovereign , Ministry , and Opposition , in our mixed constitution , are so clear that the blunder becomes apparent on the mere statement of it . Personally irresponsible , but capable only of acting through a Ministry , the Monarch is forced to select a Ministry that is capable of working : the Monarch alone is responsible for that duty of selection . The Ministryis bound to carry on the Government according to its own professed convictions : it is by those professed convictions that it obtains its eligibility , through the sanction of Parliament ; if it governs according to the convictions of some other party , it commits a double fraud—it ceases to do what it was
selected for , and it keeps out of office the men who really entertain the convictions upon which it acts . The Ministry is bound to govern on its own convictions ; when it can no longer do so it has both the right and the obligation to retire from office . The Opposition has no share in those duties of the Ministry any more than in that of the Monarch . The duty of the Opposition is to enforce its own convictions negatively—to prevent Government which it considers to be bad in principle or
execution ; it is responsible for enforcing its convictions to that extent . It is not responsible for what may happen if it drives the Ministry out of office : as soon as it has accomplished that driving out , the function of the Monarch comes into play , and some party must be appointed to office capable of working its conviction . That prevention is the duty of the Opposition , and it cannot be neglected without present mischief or even danger to the stability of our present institutions . Constitutionalists ought to keep that undeniable fact in view .
Take the latest instance . Lord John Russell ' s anti-Papal measure is a bad measure ; not , of course , in the estimation of his own party , hut in that of every other party . Men differ as to the grounds : some think it ludicrously inefficient and imbecile ; others think it retrograde and tyrannical ; a third net think it tyrannical in purpose and imbecile in substance . In fact , there is a i
manifest majority in Parliament that totally condemns the measure : but the Ministry ought to bo prevented from carrying that bad measure ; the Ministry that persists in advancing measures imbecile or inetlieient , but in either ease had , ought to be ousted simply because its measures are bad . That in not only reason enough ; it ought to be with the Opposition reason paramount . An Opposition is not bound to trouble itself with
ulterior questions ; those are for the next Ministry to consider . If Mr . Disraeli considers a measure inade <| uate . Mr . Roebuck mischievously intended but insignineunt , Lord Cuinoys inapposite , Mr . Bright ami Mr . Cobden irrelevant , nil those men at least agree in the one broad opinion that the measure in Imd ; as men out of office they ought to concur in preventing that measure , in ousting the Government which perseveres with it .
It is for want of this simple and direct procedure that parties are stultified , that public affairs ar < brought to a dead lock , and that the country is governed by the Omnipotence of Impotence . What would happen if the Opposition went to succeed in ulaying the Kiidsell Cabinet ? Nothing at all
Untitled Article
Feb . 15 , 1851 . ] ®|> e ILt atjVX . 149
Untitled Article
The money required to be voted for the naval service this year , will be about £ 5 , 700 , 000 , or about £ 400 , 000 less than that voted for the current year , and compared with last year it will show a reduction of one million . — United Service Gazette . The Revenue Trial still continues , without any prospect of a termination . James Davis , to whom so much allusion has been made , was examined yesterday . He admitted that his place was called " Davis ' s corner , " but denied that he had ever converted any good sugar into molasses . Charles Gill , the man charged with threatening the life of Lord John Russell , was brought up at Bow-street yesterday . The man , who appeared to have crazed his brain with scientific pursuits , was required to give bail , himself £ 100 , and two sureties £ 50 each , that he would keep the peace for twelve months . A fire broke out yesterday morning on the premises belonging to Messrs . Mitchell and Coy , engravers and printers , Lovell's-court , Paternoster-row , which was not extinguished till the entire building was burned to the ground . Considerable damage has been done to the adjoining premises . Mr . J . W . Hodgetts , manufacturing chemist , was killed by an explosion which took place at his manufactory , in Springfield-lane , Salford , yesterday morning . A double suicide , in the French style , was committed in Chelmeford , on Thursday . The parties were George Ponder and Charlotte Parmenter , who had left the workhouse about a fortnight ago , and hired a room in Chelmsford . They were >»'; h found dead on Thursday morning , and from the * - . . ^ arance of the bodies it was thought that Ponder cut tne woman ' s throat while she was asleep and then hanged himself . -
Untitled Article
The Journal des Dtlbats announces that the Congress at Dresden has agreed ti > admit all the Sclavonian and Italian possessions of Austria into tho German Confederation . Prussia and all the secondary States of Germany have given their consent , and Russia has intimated that she will not oppose this addition to the Confederation . The Debuts adds , that France and England have protested , both at Vienna and Berlin , but Unit their efforts arc not likely to prevent the new arrangements . The Croac < li Snvoid . of Turin of the 9 th , tjpeaks in a tone of alarm of a great concentration of Austrian troops on the Ticino , and urges the necessity of the i'iedmontese Government demanding an explanation ut Vienna on the subject . It is tinid that the French Government Iiiih determined to add considerably to the garrisons maintained on tho frontiers of the AlpM , and that , if necessary , a distinct army will be formed on that frontier . Whether tho warlike picpurationfl will go farther or not , roinainn to be Hcen , and inunl depend in mmiu measure on the Assembly . A telegraphic despatch from I ' ai is , dated Friday morning , states that , at two on the morning of the . 'Jrd instant the Queen of JL ' ortugal g-iv « birth to a princess . Tho child hud received tin ; name of Dona Maria . Parliament and tiik IV . oim . u . —To the ( stereotyped Parliamentary " I won ' t . " let the People respond with a hearty " We will . " They have it in their own Imiido . Real representation or nhiun representation , " that is the question ! " but . to Ret . the real , and project tho » ham into the Limbo of Vanity ? To do t ' nit , sir , you must form ; t Nationnl Party . —licrkshirti Independent .
Untitled Article
There i 3 nothing so revolutionary , because there is nothing so unnatural and convulsive , a 3 the strain to keep thonga fixed when all the world is by the very law of its creation in eternal progress . —Dh . Arnold .
Iptllltr %Mx$.
iptllltr % Mx $ .
Untitled Article
- » v > SATURDAY , FEBRUARY 15 , 1851 .
¦ ≪3/P % Jm ^ P 'Kupy U^^^ A Cz^O
¦ < 3 / p % Jm ^ P 'kuPY u ^^^ Cz ^ O
-
-
Citation
-
Leader (1850-1860), Feb. 15, 1851, page 149, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1870/page/9/
-