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POSTSCRIPT. Saturday, March 1.
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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Both Houses of Parliament were occupied last evening in listening to long and very unsatisfactory attempts on the part of various noblemen to answer the question , " Why is the country without a Government ?" Lord John Rubseli , began by vindicating his statement that Lord Stanley had said he was not prepared to form a Government . To prove that he had simply stated the truth he lead the following letter from Prince Albert , which he received on Saturday afternoon : —
" Lord Stanley has , after a conference of more than an hour , declined undertaking the formation of a Government at present , until it should be clear that no other Government could be formed . The Queen has sent for Lord Aberdeen and Sir J . Graham , and wishes to see you immediately . " In further corroboration of his former statement , he read the following report , drawn up by Lord Stanley , of what took place in the interview which that noble lord had with the Queen , and which had been forwarded to her Majesty on Saturday
evening : — " After stating to your Majesty the position of the three main parties into which the House of Commons is divided , Lord Stanley observed that the policy of the present Administration had met with the general approval and support of the most distinguished men of the party which adhered to the late Sir R . Peel , and that they had never yet met with a defeat from Lord Stanley's political friends ; that a very important member of that party , Sir J . Graham , had * publicly declared his opinion of the necessity of ' closing their ranks ' to Tesist the presumed policy of Lord Stanley ' s friends ; and , as your Majesty had been pleased to inform that no communication had been made to any one previous to that with which
your Majesty honoured him , hn ventured to suggest that , in the first instance , your Majesty should aecertain ¦ w hether it were not possible to strengthen the present Government ( Whig ) or partially to reconstruct it , by a combination with those ( the Free Trade Conservatives ) who , not now holding office , concurred in the opinions of those who do , and professed their opinion of the necessity of union ; that , failing such a combination , a portion of that , third party ( Peelites ) might be willing to combine with Lord Stanley , whose difficulties in each a case would be greatly diminished ; that if it should appear that both of these arrangements were impracticable , and if personal considerations Btood in the way of the whose
formation of a Government of those opinions appeared to prevail in the House of Commons , Lord Stanley , not underrating the extreme difficulties which he should have to rncounter , would , if honoured with your Maj < sty's confidence , prefer any responsibility , and even the chance of failure and loss of reputation , to that of leaving your Majesty and the country without a Government— ( loud cries of * hear , 'hear' )—and he added that he believed an Administration formed under such circumstances would be more likely to meet with support , even from moderate opponents of their views than one which should be hastily formed , without giving time to show the impracticability of a different arrangement . "
lie then stated that the attempt to form a coalition with the Earl of Aberdeen nnd Sir James Graham , had failed solely on account of the Ecclesiastical Titles Hill , to which both of those statesmen wore opposed . lie had expressed his willingness to agree to very considerable alterations and modifications of that bill , but would not give it up , and the result was that they declined to join with him . Lord Stanley had then been sent for , uh they were aware , and , after trying to form 11 Government , had resigned the task on the previous evening . That morning ( Friday ) , her Majesty had sent for the Duke of Wellington , with the
intention to ask advice from him , and to pause awhile before she again commences the task of forming an Administration . " Ho then gave a somewhat irrelevant Htatement of his views on things in general , lie had not resigned through fear , lie was fitill an much of ii free trader as ever lie hud been , and lie still held the same views on the Papal aggression , but . would modify the bill considerably , especially that part relating to Ireland . He hud purposed bringing forward his Parliamentary lleiorm Dill next year , with a view to the general election in IHf / . i . He was not prepared to say what kind of a Reform Bill it would bo or would liave been , but
lie " -should dreud any change in the representation which deprived our House of Commons of those Conservative elements which ought to belong to it . " He concluded by quoting a passage from Uurko , about the importance of consorting with the mce
virtuous and public-spirited men , and stated that he ( Lord John ) had always done so , and would continue to follow the same course . Mr . Dishabli explained why he interfered on the previous Monday evening . He had happened to see Lord Stanley immediately before he entered the House , and the noble lord had authorized him to say , " if by any chance it should happen—what he thought was very improbable—that the noble lord state that Lord Stanley
opposite ( Lord John ) should was not prepared to form a Government—he wished that such a statement should not pass unanswered . In making the contradiction he did not mean to be discourteous or peremptory . If he had been so , it must have been owing to " physical depression from which he was suffering . But he adhered to what he had formerly said . The statement of the noble lord as to Lord Stanley , however unintentional , was calculated to convey a false impression : —
" It was as much as to say , Here is a political party professing certain principles , and declaring that they would take office at the first opportunity ; and yet when an opportunity is presented to them they decline to act upon it *—as if we had been trifling with the Parliament , with the country , and with the Sovereign . ( Hear , hear . ) Now I hope the noble lord clearly understands the reason why I made the observation I did on Monday last , and that he will admit that , under the circumstances , I was authorized to make it , although 1 did not do it so felicitously as if I had prepared myself . "
The Marquis of Lavspowne , in the House of Lords , made a statement substantially the same as that of Lord J . Russell . He had waited upon the Queen , by her Majesty ' s command , and she had told him that , " after making every effort it was in her power to employ for the construction of a Government composed of those persons best qualified from their position to undertake such a task , and having failed in those efforts , it was her desire to pause before she took further steps , and to obtain the advice and the opinion , in this unforeseen contingency , of a noble and illustrious duke . " The noble marquis went on to say that the only differences which had arisen throughout the late negotiations had been honest differences of opinion . He deprecated , in-strong terms ,
" A prolonged attempt , under any circumstances , to carry on the public business of this country without the promise of that amount of support which is indispensable to all Governments for the purpose of enabling them to maintain the honour of the Crown , and to maintain and promote the efficient carrying on of the public service . { Hear , hear . ) Such a state of things if prolonged , can never fail to be detrimental to the honour of the Crown , injurious to the best interests of the country , and profitable only to those—not the most respectable class of politicians—who , in such circumstances , find a consequence which does not naturally belong to them , and which they would not otherwise possess . ( Hear , hear . )"
The Earl of Abehdeen said he had endeavoured , in conjunction with Sir James Graham , to assist in the reconstruction of Lord John Russell ' s Government , but had found it impossible to unite with him , on account of his invincible repugnance to the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill . Lord Stanley had spared no pains to form a Government , but had failed for two reasons . The Peelites , who Beemcd determined to remain " in that unfortunate position for any party of
statesmen to be in , of being unnble to form a combination with one or other of two conflicting parties , yet of not being able themselves to assume office , and , consequently , with all their ability , power , and influence , of only rendering the formation of a Government , on either side , impossible "— would not join him , and the Protectionists could not furnish sufficient number of men of ability to form a Cabinet . After two days of unremitting exertion , the deliberate conclusion of him and his friends wus ,
"That , although I might have been enabled to present to her Miijesty a list of names of gentlemen who would have been full y competent , with the aid of a majority in the House of Commons , to carry on creditably and practically the business of the country , yet I could not lay before her MajeBty a list strong enough to face a powerful majority in the other House of Parliament . " He gave a pointed contradiction to the statement that he had wished to obtain the Queen ' s consent to a dissolution of Parliament , and that she had refused . Had he recommended n dissolution she would have civen ' lier consent , but , for many reasons , he did not
think a dissolution would have been advisable . He then gave an outline of what be would luivo done , had be been able to forma strong Government . He would have applied the surplus to the reduction of the income tax , to one-half or two-thirds of its present amount , and would havo imposed a fixed duty on corn , which would havo ' yielde . d a Hum large enough to enable him to repeal the income tax altogether . As regards the Pupal aggression , he felt as strongly on the subject as uny mun , but wus opposed ' to hasty legislation . " Hotter not legislate ut all , than legislate ineffectually ' ' : — " While I contend Unit religious freedom ought to be strictly guaranteed , I « ay , ' on the other hand , that Pupal aggression ought to be as strenuously resisted now as it was refuted in the days of our ancestors { hear hear ) - ,
I y say this subject at the present moment . " Sir Jambs Graham , who vras warmly received by the H ouse of Commons , stated why he had not been able to form an alliance with Lord John . He agreed with him on the subject of free trade , he was favourable to an extension of the suffrage , but he could not be an assenting party to any measure abridging the rights of the Roman Catholic population . Prom the very first agitation of the subject he had held that opinion . Lest any should suppose that this was an afterthought , he could give them the most irrefragable evidence in proof of this . In November last , when attempts veere making to hold a county meeting to address the Crown , he addressed a Utter ta Mr . Howard , of Graystock , a cousin of
the Duke of Norfolk , stasing why he thought it was not expedient to call a meeting . He proceeded to read the following extracts from the letter : — " Netherby , Nov . 23 , 1859 . "Itwould give me cordial satisfaction to cooperate with you on any public occasion in this country . But , although I am a sincere Protestant , arid resent the haughty tone assumed by the Pope m his bull , and by-Cardinal Wiseman in his pastoral letter , yet I am unwilling to ioin in the no-Popery cry , or to ask for the revival of penal laws or for any new enactment which might fetter the Roman Catholics in the full and proper exercise of their religious discipline within the realm . When T aunnorted emancipation I knew that the Roman
Catholics acknowledged Papal supremacy , and would be guided in all spiritual matters by bulls from Rome . I knew , also , that religion is episcopal ; and when I fought on their side for perfect equality of civil rights I was aware that the Pope might nominate in England , as in Ireland , archbishops and bishops . I did not attach much importance to the safeguard proposed by the Duke of Wellington , who did not himself place much reliance on it , that the Popish hierarchy so nominated should not assume the title of English or Irish sees occupied by Protestant prelates . I myself was a party to the " recognition by statute of the dignity of Roman Catholic archbishops and bishops in Ireland ; while J adhered ,
however , to the settlement of 1829 , that the . enactment prohibiting the assumption of local episcopal titles identical with Protestant sees should be withheld , I proposed in the House of Commons , on behalf of Sir Robert Peel ' s Government , the remission of the penalties which attached to receiving bulls or other similar instruments from Rome ; and out of office I supported Lord J . Russell ' s measure , which authorizes the renewal of diplomatic intercourse with the Roman Pontiff . I took these steps deliberately , and I do not regret them . I believe them to have been necessary for the good government of Ireland , and I cannot believe that it will be possible to have one law for England and another for
Ireland with respect to Roman Catholic discipline and worship . I am offended , indeed , by trie arrogance and folly of the language which the Pope and his Cardinal have thought fit to employ in announcing an ecclesiastical arrangement which I believe to be lawful , and which I do not consider dangerous . But my displeasure will not induce me to treat withdisrespect the religion of 7 , 000 , 000 of my countrymen , or to contemplate for one moment the revision or the reversal of a policy which , in defiance of the no-Popery cry . i have supported throughout my public life , which I still believe to be sound , and which is indispensable , unless by a melancholy necessity the vast majority of the Irish people are still to be treated and considered as our national enemies . "
He knew that these sentiments were not popular . If he were desirous of pandering to popular pas-ions he should have carefully abstained from stating them . But he "was afraid , if they commenced this kind of legislation that they would be dragged , step by step , into a system of penal persecution .
Mr . Hume , Mr . Beiinal Osdoune , and Mr . Waki / ey complained that none of the explanations threw any ligbt upon what was to be the future policy of . Government . Mr . Spooneb , Sir Roiikut Inglih , and Mr . Nkwdeoate took Sir James Graham to ta > k for bis lukewarmness about the Papal aggression . The IIoukc then adjourned till Monday . It appears , then , that the whole affair turns upon the " Anti-Papal aggression . " Lord John having stirred up the bigotry of the country by his " epistolary rashness , " finds himself opposed b y nil the eminent statesmen in the country . He has created a nuisance which has broken up the Government and
prevented any other from being formed ; and all be can say in his own defence is that lie wus compelled to do so by the aggression of the Pope . On the samo principle , any foreign secretary , by an assumption of baseless power , cun force our Government to oppress any religious class in this country . For example , there in at present an insane Calvinist clergyman in Switzerland , who believes that his wife is about to bring forth the Messiah . Suppose ho were to parcel out England as a new Presbyterian theocracy , Lord John would be bound to adopt repressive measures against tho Scotch who deny the Queen ' s suprcmucy .
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A meeting was held at eleven o'clock yesterday , at Lnnsriownc-houne . Present— Lord J . Runaoll , the Marquis of Lmisoowne , Lord Minto , Sir G . Orey , Lord Palmerston , Earl Grry , Sir C . Wood , Sir V . Baring , L « nl liroughUm , Mr . L&btinchcre , the Karl of Carlisle , the Marquis of Clanricarde , and Mr . Fox Maule . The meeting broke up at twelve o ' clock , at which hour the Marqus of Lanadowne werit to Huckingham Palace .
but frankl that / am not prepared to legislate upon 198 «•* *»«» »* [ Saturday , ~— _ . * » . i _ __„ * » , ««• T n * v % ¦ nnf nremnred to leaislate UVOi
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TO HEADERS AND CORRESPONDENTS . The conclusion of the letter on " Sir Edward Su ^ en and the Court of Chancery " will appear next week . It is impossible to acknowledge the mass of letters we receive . Their insertion is often delayed , owing to a press of matter ; and when omitted it is frequently from reasons quite independent of the merits of the communication . Communications should always be legibly written , and on one side of the paper only . If long , it encreases the difficulty of finding space for them . All letters for the Editor to be addressed 9 , Crane-court , Fleetetreet , London .
Postscript. Saturday, March 1.
POSTSCRIPT . Saturday , March 1 .
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), March 1, 1851, page 198, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1872/page/10/
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