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Leader (1850-1860), 10th January 1852, Edition Town of 1, Page 31

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      what I say , although I honestly believe that I speak the sentiments of the great . mass of my fellow-countrymen , and especially the sentiments of those three and a half millions ' of stalwart , abie-bodied young men of America whom our laws have designated for military purposes—I believe I speak the sentiments of this great mass of , intelligent citizen-soldiers , -who are not merely household trpops , Sjr , bat who have recently had an opportunity of demonstrating before the world what use they can make of arms in the enemy ' s country—I speak their sentiments , Sir , when I say that the great Kossuth doctrine of armed non-intervention is the doctrine and senti * xnents of America—non-intervention for us—non-intervention for alL "

      FBOM E . ADAMS XOCKE S ADDRESS . " On this spot , twenty-seven years since , we gratefully honoured Lafayette of France , the devoted compatriot of Washington , on his visit to our land to behold the completion of the grand structure of freedom which the fleets and armies of his gallant nation had contributed to establish . On this spot we pledge to you the full payment of our debt to European generosity and valour , when the cause of republican liberty shall demand it ; and if our National Government fail promptly to meet it , and

      our national diplomacy suffice not to redeem it , then will our generous youth and bright swords redress the balance . Remember , Sir , what has already been said to arrogant Austria from our National Senate and Department of State , and interpret this first voice of formal warning by the one , louder and more authoritative , which you will hear in the commercial and numerical metropolis of our country you are now approaching , and which Will greet you in a grand monotone throughout our spacious land , until the hemisphere itself shall ring with that single sound * " ¦ ' - -

      The following passage is from , one of the last speeches delivered by Kossuth in New York . It was in reply to an address from the Whig ^ party . "In this glorious land the eternal principles of humanity , which are derived from nature and nature ' s God , are recognized by all parties , and the difference between parties here is not as principles of liberty , but only as regards domestic policy ; and the time is come when the attention of the freemen of this country is drawn to duties beyond its own immense territory ^ and to the common faith of humanity ; and when the weight of the United States will be thrown thoroughly into the scale , where despots thought they could turn the balance as they pleased by their own weight . ( Applause . ) This

      is the happy turning point m the destiny of nations , and I bless God that , though I feel weighed , down by the pressure of heavy duties and responsibilities upon my shoulders , he has chosen me to be the instrument of that turning point in the fate of humanity . The resolution that was passed in the United States * Congress inviting me here , and the readiness with which it was executed , in a most noble and dignified manner , and the sending out of the Mississippi with the star-spangled banner to Asia Minor , to take me under its protectionall th s shows that you are ready to protect the rights of nations in the person of the most insignificant and humble individual . This very act is already an interference—not an interference in domestic matters ,

      but a practical interposition to carry out the international laws of humanity—a doctrine which the President of the United States has announced as the rule of his government . In every vein of my heart I feel gratitude for this , and I wish to say that it was not necessary to call my attention to the message of the President . My heart is ever ready to turn with affectionate regard to the great principles of freedom wherever they are announced , but more particularly to those principles which affect the destiny of my own fatherland . My first speech—my fundamental speechspoken at the banquet of the city of New York , shows

      that I had turned my attention to the annual Message of your President . May Heaven be blessed for it ! For the principles thus promulgated are not the principles of one party , but of the whole people of the United States ; and his name will be brought down in the records of history as one man who made a turning point in the destinies of nations ; and may God give me soon to see the day when America , with her gigantio hand stretched across the oaean , will say to the oppressors in Europe : — « We want no war ; but > hen we say « stop , ' we wish it to be understood that , if matters go further , the people of the United States will redeem its word , support its nrincinles

      of international law , and show that it is not indifferent or inactive wherever any foreign power dares to crush down in any other nation the rising spirit of liberty . * V Previously to this he met the First Division of the Militia of New York , commanded by General Sandloru . His reply contains a lesson useful to Englund . ° « i ' I am aw , that the war of Mexico was carried on en oiiy by volunteers . That militia is the source of that military spirit which is the sole guarantee of your coun-R . L ( n ' Indp P" » dt » nce , and glory , under circumbuo

      tn » i r . ln U « n 8 Vy . My idea is that there are duties ovon n , iT , nall . * M' « 'd common to every citizen , and r , u ? i institutions and education must havefeu oh town . !? h- aB P ? - J , cvcrv citizcn to t » m hi « duty toward ha own lathcrlnnd . ( Cheers . ) One of those STto S * " de r femi - that '" hoUndI in ' the day of '' l /" 1 ^ "P nrmB f * its freedom and security . My jtt ^^^ ^ K ^^ L ^ dl ^

      not at all to have soldiers who are not citizens ; but my opinion is that every boy must be be taug ht so much to know as is necessary for the defence of his land . And for those who in their more advanced age would feel inclined to take for their profession the military science , there must be some branches , established in the higher schools and universities to impart this , science , as there must be for those who will employ their time to become physicians , or clergymen , or members of the bar . There should be a branch for military science , but for no distinction as citizens . To defend his country is a common duty , and every man must know and feel it . ( Cheers . ) Taking your organization as a basis

      for Hungary—taking your example , Hungary would have at least one million of men ready to defend her against the oppression of whatever power . { Great cheering . ) The militia of Hungary thus developed , would be the most-solid guarantee of my country ' s freedom and independence . We have shown proof of it to the world in our first struggles for liberty , when we engaged in it with the preparation that was needed , when the people flocked from their workshops , the desk , and the very altar , to defend their native land . Often it happened that they had to go to battle without knowing how to load or cock a musket . But still thinking of national independence , they went on to battle with their bayonets against

      batteries , and achieved such deeds as raised them to rank with classical heroes and claim with them a glorious immortality . We have not the inclination to become conquerors ; we are contented with our native land , if i t only be independent and free . To the sustenance of this independence and freedom we have established by law the institution of a national guard ; like your own militia ; and I liked often to say to my people that 1 ^ considered that organization to be like a porcupine which goes armed , quietly looking for its food ; but when it is attacked and danger approaches , it stretches forth these thorns , and it is only taken in a peaceful quality . May God the Almighty soon see developed this institution of a national guard in my native land !"

      And he wound up as follows : —• " As to myself , I have here a sword an my side , given me by an American citizen . This being a gift from a citizen of the United States , I take it as a token of encouragement for me to go on in that way which , with the blessing of Almighty God , will , perhaps , lead us to see again' our fatherland independent and free ; and I swear , here before you , gentlemen , that . -this American sword in my hand , will be always faithful to the cause of freedom , that will be the foremost in the battle for it , and that it never will be polluted neither by ambition nor cowardice . ( Loud and long cheers . ) First Division of New York State Militia , I engage you to become the controlling power of this my solemn oath . I thank you once more for your generous sympathy . ( The whole Division then rose and cheered Kossuth with a perfect furor for a long time . )"

      The spirit of the First Division may be gathered from these resolutions . " Resolved •—That this division sympathizes most deeply with the Hungarian nation , in its struggle to maintain its independence , against the combined powers of Austria and Russia ; and deems the intervention of Russia , in the affairs of Hungary , a violation of the laws of nations , and an outrage upon justice and humanity . " Before the question was taken , Captain French of

      the La Fayette Fusiliers rose to propose an amendment ; but he could not be heard , and the question was put and the resolution carried unanimously . Captain French then got a hearing , and said that on behalf of the La Fayette Fusiliers he begged leave to offer 1000 dollars to the Hungarian fund . This most apropos amendment was loudly cheered . General Sandford then read the following resolutions , which were also adopted : —r

      " Resolved , —That we regard Hungary as having entitled herself to the position of an independent nation ; and we respectfully urge her recognition by our Government at the earliest appropriate season . ' * Resolved , —That we hold the right of every nation to regulate its own domestic concerns , without the interference of any other power—theprinciple of international law—and that we will urge the recognition of this principle by our Government in its intercourse with foreign nations .

      '"Resolved , —That for the purpose of aiding the Governor of Hungary , in his efforts to establish the independence of his country , that a committee be appointed , consisting of the general officers , and three officers from each , regiment of this Division , for the purpose of collecting subscriptions from this Division , and to unite with any committee to be appointed by our fellow-citizens , in aid of the Hungarian fund . "

      In reply to an invitation from the Press Committee to their banquet in honour of Kossuth , Washington Hunt , . Governor of New York , unable to attend , wrote as follows . " In justice to my own feelings , I must bo permitted to express my entire concurrence in the objects of a manifestation ho peculiarly impressive and affectionate . Your profession is identified with the interest of humanity and the spread of freo principles among the

      nations of the earth . Wo look to you , not only as the exponents of the public opinion of our own country , but of the liberal ideas which are destined to redeem mankind from the power of dppotism . The American press would bo faithless to its high mission If it failed to honour Kossuth and his cause Ho atumls forth , in sublime dignity , as the advocate and representative of enlightened constitutional liberty . Ho pleads with matchless eloquence for the inviolable right of the nation * , each ( os itself , to regulate and control its own

      political destiny . This light was vindicated by our revolutionary ancestors ; and we hope to' see it proclaimed ! and established by the oppressed and down-trodden ini other lands . The people of Hungary , through their chosen leader , call upon us not merely for our sympathy ,, hut for the aid which it is in our power to give . ' This * appeal will not be made in vain . It must not , and ought , not , to be resisted by a . generous people , who have been ' , specially chosen by Divine Providence to illustrate theadvantages of free institutions , and to vindicate ths : capacity of mankind for self-government . "

      These are significant words . Similar expressionsabound in the reports of the proceedings relating to Kossuth . A , gentleman recently arrived from the thick of it , likens the strength of the American sympathy to a young man ' s first passion of love ; and an American in England writes that " The Yankees are coming up to the chalk , when the Church and ladies get to work . " Kossuth left Irving-house on the 22 nd of December for Philadelphia . He stood greatly in need of zest .

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      NATIONAL PUBLIC SCHOOL ASSOCIATION . A deputation of gentlemen from Manchester „ headed by Mr . Milner Gibson , M . P . and Mr . W . J . Fox , M . P ., waited on Lord John Russell on Tuesday * for the purpose of . presenting to his lordship a draft , bill for establishing free schools in England and Wales * Mr . Milner Gibson briefly pointed out the principles on which the association was based . H& was followed by Mr . Bazley , who presented the bill , and pointed out that the association were by no means hostile to religion . He preferred to dwell rather on the main principles of the measure than on the details . He said that the education provided under the Factories Act , crude and imperfect as it was , had been productive of immense good . " The little girls had been taught not only readingy writing , and accounts , but knitting and sewing ; and the acquisition of these little accomplishments of femalelife had been productive of the best effects among the poor . The boys also ,. who had gone into the factories in a state of ignorance , had , by the instruction they had received , been rendered capable of discharging the duties of much higher positions than they could have under " taken without such instruction . He and his friends in the association , therefore , hoped that the noble lord would give some attention to this subject , with a view of proposing to the country a comprehensive system of education . "

      In proposing to provide for secular instruction , they also made provision that certain hours of the day or week should be set aside for religious instruction . They did not desire a great system of innovation ; but they wished to see , as a beginning , the means of gathering together all the little outcastswho were at present a discredit to our age and country , that they might receive the first elements of instruction , which would enable them to comprehend those principles of religion which it was the duty of the clergy to inculcate . The Reverend Dr . M'Kerrow dwelt mainly upon the religious question , and showed that the Public School Association had endeavoured to harmonize

      the feelings of those who wished to maintain existing schools , and those who objected to the endowment of any religious opinions whatever .

      " The bill would provide that the inculcation of doctrinal religion or sectarian opinions should not take place at any time on any week day between certain hours ; that the attendance of the scholars at the time of the inculcation of doctrinal religion or sectarian opinions should not be compulsory ; that the inculcation of doctrinal religion should not be part of the duty of the teachers , and that no part of the school payment or rate should be directly or indirectly applied to the inculcation of doctrinal religion . He believed that the important element of religious instruction might be imparted separatel y with much more efficiency than it could be by blending religious remarks with the common secular instruction given in the schools . "

      The Reverend F . W . Walker enforced the same views . Mr . Philip Lucas , a member of the Jewish persuasion , expressed his approval of the measure , the main principle of which was acted on in Jewish schools . Mr . W . F . Hoyl and , on bohalf of the Society of Friends , concurred i n the scheme , and laid before Lord John Russell a document , explaining at length the reasons which induced tho Society of Friends not to concur in tho proposed Manchester and Salford Local Education Bill . Mr . W , R . Wood and tho Reverend Dr . Davidson also spoke . Mr . W . J . Fox , M . P ., had only one remark to make . There was a close affinity , ho might almost say idontity , between the plan of tho association and tho plan alreudy carried but successfully by the Government in Ireland .

      " I hero wus the same separation of the secular instruction from the religious ; the same attempt to combine persons of various different opinions ; and in tho views of the projectors of this sohemo the result would bo that which had been ho happily Achieved in Ireland—tho elevation of education itself ; for bo long as the Bchaolmastcr was merely a Bort of journeyman minister or clergyman , they could scarcely expect that- the secular Instruction would attain ¦ the same high character as when the secular and religious instruction were- communicated by different persona . Tho differ ? noes between this Bchemo und the Irish system were chiefly , if not exclusively , thoao wliioh , related to the ratea and th « mode

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      Jaw . 10 , 1852 . ] Mtyt % , t& % * X * 31

  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), Jan. 10, 1852, page 31, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1917/page/7/