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Leader (1850-1860), 8th May 1852, Edition Town of 2, Page 444

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      Untitled Article

      < V , h . . . . . . francs 4 , 357 90 ¦ && . ' . .. : - • • • v&& ¦ : ¦;«• - Materials , tools , &c . . . « • 3 , 113 10 Bills , &c . . 10 , 513 40 Total . . - ? . 36 , 651 45 " ¦ ¦ " Passif , " or Z > r . For Goods . . . ¦ . . francs 600 State I / oan .... ... ^ . 15 , 125 Fonds d'Association . . . . . 4 , 338 95 Debts ...... .... 7 , 352 87 27 , 416 82 Nett capital .... . 9 , 234 63 36 , 651 45 31 st December , 1850 . " Actif . " Cash francs 6 , 291 85 Goods k . . . ..... 41 , 004 Materials , &c 5 , 185 25 Bills 23 , 701 Total ....... 76 , 182 10 " Passif " Goods ... .... francs 3 , 393 StateLoans ....... . 25 , 000 Caisse de Secours ..... . 334 40 Fonds Indivisible - 2 , 148 67 Fonds d'Assoeiation ..... 10 , 241 45 Debts .. * ¦ ...... .... 11 , 891 88 53 , 009 40 Nett capital k . . . . . 23 , 172 10 76 , 182 10 31 st Decembee , 1851 . " Actif . " Cash . . ... . . . francs 3 , 556 95 Goods . . . . . \ • • 49 , 966 6 Materials , &c . * . . ' . . . . 6 , 159 30 " Bills . . . . . . . . ... 25 , 300 85 Total . . . . . . 84 , 983 16 " Passif . " Goods ...... . francs 7 , 437 85 Caisse de Secours 1 , 271 85 Fonds d'Association 10 , 820 40 Fonds Indivisible . 3 , 683 31 State Loan 24 , 500 Debts . 466 75 48 , 180 16 Nett capital 36 , 803 0 84 , 983 16 « But as the Caisse de'Secours , the Fonds Indivisible , and the Fonda d'Association , placed in the Dr . ' s account , are in reality due to themselves , their capital account stands thus : — > Capital , nett francs -36 , 803 Caisse de Secours . k . . . . 1 , 271 85 Fonds Indivisible 3 , 683 31 Fonds d'Aseociation ... ... 10 , 820 40 Total . 52 , 578 56 This Association has become the largest manufacturing house in the trade in Paris ,- and one of the working partners , Dupont , is now President of the Conseil des Prudhommes . As a commercial speculation , therefore , it is eminently successful * the important principle of 8 EI / FEMM-oyme : nt and sei ^ -Government has been established beyond dispute ; atid cooperative association proves not only practicable , but highly beneficial in its effecta upon the moral and social " condition of its disciples . Yet , as M . Proudhon truly observes" 1 / Association , en ollo-me * me , no resout point lo problcme revolutionnairo . Xoin do la , ello se prcsonte © Ilo » m 6 mo coinme un probleme , dont la solution impliquo quo les associe ' s jouidsent do toute lour independarice on conservant tous les avantages do l ' union : co qui veut dire quo la moilloure des associations ost collo oil , grfloe a une organisation aupdrieuro , la liberti ontro lo plus , ot lo dScouemewt lo inoinB . " * ' WlMTAM CoiTINGttlAM . Komp Town , May let .

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      TAXATION REDUCED TO UNITY ANB simplicity . ' v . " ., ¦ -. ¦ ' -11 . . .,,. ¦ .. : If the ground were not already occupiBd with cumbrous systems of indirect taxation and their supporting gophismsi there would be little difficulty in seeing the principles on which a true system of taxaiiojn must be based . What is it that rules the proportion in which government acts beneficially for each of usi ? In what proportion do we each occasion cost to the government ? In that proportion let each pay his share .

      A complete and accurate examination of the subject would require us to define the duties of the government , and to fix the limits of those duties , in order to determine with precision the causes of the cost to which taxation professes to be the common contribution . We must mot , however ^ embarrass the pr ^ sellfc question with a discussion so certain , in the present state of opinions , to lead to results disputable by as many parties as

      opinions . It suffices for our present purpose that the first direct duty of government is to provide security of life and property . If it have any other ( which some have taken the liberty to doubt , ) that duty can only be secondary and . contingent , not essential and direct ; and the expense bestowed by any regular government on any such subsidiary functions , always bears but an insignificant proportion to the burden of : the primary and indispensable one-of order and securityi

      Tt follows , then , that the due proportion to be contributed by each tax-payer is incident to the number of persons under his care , and the amount of property in his possession . So long as taxation was tribute , a uniform poll-tax was justly haffeful as an impost grossly unequal in its pressure on unequal means ; and no doubt some remains of the old feeling would discover themselves on any

      new proposal being made tq establish such ail impost . But truth vindicates itself in time , and a tax which was resented as an oppression enforced by the rapacity of an unscrupulous feudal lord , would soon commend itself to reasonable men as a just contribution to a common expense . A working man would easily acknowledge that his seven Children could be no more protected than fed at the same cost as one .

      Property occasions expense to the state mainly in proportion to its value , with perhaps some variations , easily ascertained in practice . Nothing , therefore , seems clearer than that it should contribute according to what it is worth . This part of the question has , however , been much mystified by taking , without warrant , the question of profit into account . We say , without warrant ; for ,

      let us consider an extreme case , that of an empty house , or a depreciated tradesman ' s stock . These require the same care from the Government for the maintenance of all rights connected with them , as though they were profitable to their owners ; and why should any man lay on his fellows the cost of protecting his profitless goods , and of keeping courts open ready to hear all disputes about them ?

      On the same ground that his property yields him no profit , let him ask an insurance company to indemnify him for nothing against risk of fire ; and the answer may reconcile him to the consequences of the fact that neither can his property bo protected for nothing . If in this extreme case the incidence of taxation ought to follow the value of property , so should it in cases which differ amongst themselves as to profit , only in degree . The aubstantial object of taxation is the actually realized possession , not the continuously nascent advantage derivable from use , whether greater , less , or none at all .

      Profit is legitimately taxable only when it has survived the current need into something tangible and realized . What we now possess is the nett result of past savings . Taxation should fall on that as realized property which onco was only profit . Income-tax , as distinguished from proporty-ti& , stands , therefore , wq conceive , on a false foundation . Although taxation only partially conforms in character to insurance , wo commend to our readers , as a convenient guide to thought , that view of the case which assumes their similarity . Deem taxation a

      premium for insuranco against violence and wrong , and nearly all the incidents and consequences of insurance will fall into their right places in a just theory of taxation . Appropriateness and proportionality of charge , directness of relation , recognised efficiency of eorvico , with its consequent contentment , mutuality of advantage , a just combination of chances for neutralizing the severity of individual cases , —spring just on truly from one as from tho other , if taxation bo made direct , but not otherwise In tho light of this view of tho caso little mystery is left . Tho administrative inconveniences of direct taxation aro , however , commonly alleged to nullify tho

      conclusions in its feyour so obviously to be drawn from th cpnsideratioii of the jises and purposes of-gbvernment and of the causes of the cost of maintaining iti Th * ' part of the question is therefore the next to * . be examined . "¦ . ¦¦¦ ' ' ' ' ¦ ¦¦ ¦ ' ' ¦ '' : ¦ ¦¦ ¦ ' ¦ ¦ . ' . ¦ ¦ : . ¦ . ¦ ¦ ''

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      ¦ v ; . PBOBIiESt ? OE I . 0 BD EOBSE . To discover iouis Napoleon ' s " star . " Having dissolve !! so many nebulbe , Lord Eosse may be equally successful with that nebular hypothesis . Should he succeed , it would at once place the destiny of this country beyond doubt ; and in such case , it ' -wouid Bate trouble , as well as expense and bloodshed ; to make tho arrangements for a quiet transfer from , Queen Victoria to her cousin . v We would suggest that a Commissioner should be at once appointed : and no persoiL would be more proper or com - petent than Mr . Cobden—none , perhaps , so willing . The Gonrnaissioner would , of course , secure by stipulation the requisitefreedom , for our looms , and" jennies . " As to the press , it would be all the better for some supervision .

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      THE WATEB 8 ABE COIHITG . It is virtually settled by the Jgelect Committee of the Commons , that in . future London is not to have the very worst supply of water ; that the stream , is not to be drawn direct from the very filthiest sources , but that , at least , moderation in impurity is to be enforced . This is what the cant of the day calls a " step in the right direction ;" Above Teddington , belowwhich the supply is interdicted , the Thames is the drain , not of a huge empire city , but only of an extensive population , with Its attendant herds . That « s an improvementi - " ~ -

      The Committee thinks the impurity in that quarter too small to affect health . But why have any 1 Londoners , we imagine , would rather have no imp * Urity at all . TThy drink even a fractionalprobability of cholera—especiaUy " when there is no occasion for it ? " The Memorandum from the Committee of the Sanitary Association shows that water distilled by nature , but not deprived , like artificial distilled ~ water , of its air , can be obtained from mli-top . Why , then , have it from valley-bottom , down among the dead dogs , and other relics of corruption P

      Untitled Article

      D . v . The flnr > iif > 1 meeting , wo are told by advertisement , is to be held by an extremely Christian society , " D . 7 . " —" Deo volente , " or , God willing ; and the annual sermon also is to be preached " D . V . " Why is it that the " unco guid" always announce when they intend to perform anything "D . Y . ? " It tends to suggest an idea , that at times they may undertake transactions " D . N . "—nolente Deo , in epite of all permission . Nobody else ventures to keep a reservation implied in the special announcement . We all make our plans " humanly speaking ; " and , even when we do not trumpet it , are resigned to the possibility of an interdict .

      Nay , few of us would desire to do anything otherwiso than under the acquiescence implied in the two letters . Their use is offensive : it implies the monopoly of a virtuous resignation , which everybody must feel ; it betrays the notion of a possibility which the omission of the letters would suggest , but which nobody except tho over-rig hteous would imagine . No committee can alter events by inBor <; - ing or omitting the two capital letters—not even an Bxctor Hall committee , though it may have arrogated a special influence .

      Untitled Article

      * " Association of itself doofl not rosolvo tho rovolu-^ F ^ lSSuSit problem . I ' ar from that , it prosonta itself aa fQzB&Bs 9 i& 6 & * * solution , of which implies that tho Pnl ^^ iSM ^ efiB ^ rfr onjoy thoir own entire indopondonco , C& 3 inLlSSw iWMyEwservo all tho advantagea of tuiion , —in other mKl&ffi &MM ™** beat of aflBOciationa is that in which , Pi IB W ^ ftWA 66 perior organization , liberty has the largest

      Untitled Article

      One who signs himself « Ultra , " objects to the reasonfag in tho recent fetter by " Ion , " entitled '' . Sixty Yeare Lost . " Ultra" thinks that tho " entire multitude ' need not do so vnrv ftonsiderato of the " Bcholastio and emment low .

      Certainly not , if the multitudo can get what thov w »«• without tho consent of the few . But ^^ P , T ^ loU eminent few are influential , which ' . 'Ultra" fverW ^ " Ultra" " cannot conceive how doing simple justico i ou . entire multitude can bo an offensivo tyranny to «\? J ™ , nentf&w . " Tho argument , however , turns upon tins tho ^ qminont fow" consider that tho . act thov are ciiii ^ upon to perform , is an act of " Bimplo J » co ; linv wo to not bolievo it is : and this ia tho reoflon why they mvo bo consulted . Nor aro tho " eminent few so ^ " Ultra" thinks . Thoy ore numoroua enough to g »» tho country .

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      AlTIJ'EOXA . TION APINa UNA 1 WB 0 TBD-OTB 8 . ---L 0 * the domuro Puritan , however , think that the J ° * ° ' all against the gay cavalier or boau . / f ° ' , 7 ftnd as much of tho sin of cultivation in the «^ X glossy hair of tho Boundhoad , or plain wan , a « i in lovo-locka and bunches of thoir antipodes in "ont ^ o ^ Ihavo soon some men , who affected to bo v y . ; affected , cultivate a peak on the top and centre oi brows aa sedulously , and with as much inwau iik ^ lation on occount of it , as ever I saw a ™* W f * . Msa tuft or train a side-curl .- — Chamber ^ ¦ PoolteJ > collany , vol . iv .

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      *** . ; . ¦ ' - ¦ : : ¦^ M iM ^ % W ^ 3 ^ ii :: ^ i ^ i -: ~ :- ^ . ^^^ ^; ¦

  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), May 8, 1852, page 444, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1934/page/16/