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, at they will stoop to lift up the woman or the Trild sunk in a squalor of wretchedness far below tie reach of the helping hand of gentility . It was a great spectacle of self-control , exhibited not only in the tranquillity , but in the free , the cheerful , the willing spirit with which very person in that multitude helped the police 1 3 tfoe goldier to keep order ; but we cannot ascr ibe this altogether to " popular self-government . " We agree , indeed , with Lord Derby , that the conduct of the people showed " how
safely and to what extent that people might be relied upon as the strongest hold of Government . " We sympathize in his pride , and we accep t his testimony to the capacity of this people for popular self-government . Yes ! in their attitude that day he saw their , capacity , and as prime Minister of England , in his place amongst the Peers , he declares his testimony . He is a most valuable witness . But we ask him to reflect , that amongst that immense number , by far the larger proportion have no share in popular
self-government . Yet he was not able in the behaviour of the people to distinguish any difference of conduct . He could not point out to different sections in the crowd , and say , —pointing to one part , — " These people appear to be orderly , intelligent , capable of self-control , able to understand the moral meaning of the ceremony of this day ; but "—pointing to another section— - " those others show in their aspect that they are stupid , that they do not understand what is going forward , that they are incapable of self-control , and , accordingly , you see that they are disorderly and turbulent , only to be kept under by barriers , police , and soldiers . " Did he observe any distinction of that sort ? Did he not rather see that
in the whole mass the spirit of order and selfcontrol was uniform , —that the only distinction which exists is an artificial distinction , decreed by men in his own station ? And does he not feel , by testimony which has been honourably wrung from him by his own experience , that there exists no reason for maintaining that distinction , or for continuing to exclude from the franchise any section of that multitude which showed itself on Thursday ?
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REINFOECEMENT OF THE FRENCH ARMY . It is no disparagement of any among the able correspondents who furnish information to English papers from Paris , to say that it is almost impossible to penetrate to the truth , or to view it as a whole from any point of view within that capital . The attempts to preserve secrecy are so elaborate and so diligently kept up , and the means of circulating information , even in the most private circles , aro so carefully intercepted , that a full conception of any one subject is almost interdicted to the resident . The- most iron
tyranny , indeed , cannot altogether prevent the £ us-like transfusion of knowledge , and the means of acquiring better insight into French affairs transpire sufficiently to form an approximate estimate on the foreground of London . Truth , however , does not always carry its own proof with it , and for that reason we are very glad to have the-testimony of the Times in oorroboration <>! ' what wo had previously said with respect- to the reinforcement of the- French army . In its impression of Monday , the Times- places before its renders : i sullieient portion of the truth to possess tho English public with a generally correct , view . "We have already intimated that the professed " reduction" of ' . U ) . <)()<) men would
prove to be , practically , a reinforcement . . 1 he H'iine MonUcur which announces the reduction , l » nl ) linhes 1 , 1 io order for calling out the whole ' oiiNeriptiou of 80 , 000 men for tho year 185 : *; K that tho diminution of : {() , ()()() men can make "" t little difference in the net result . We have y dout ; and there is every reason to suppose "' at it , will be carried ho as not to diminish the •'" t'etive strength in tho slightest possihle degree . ""
"' > n not unlikely that theleast serviceable or IV ( Va . ried soldiers " will be selected for dismissal ; ai 'd all w | , o ] mv ( , bad tho conduct of military "' 'airs know | , | ,, »| , ifa good occasion < "n , n be found ' ° r relieving a force of its least willing and ser-Vlceablo soldiers , without suggesting the crime of Jnalingeriiifr , a virtual gain will bo effected in tho "'¦•• cngtli of that force . Tho Times , however , Jl < lds anothor piece of information , which wo had not previousl y received : —
" We have reason to believe that Louis JSTapoleon has long entertained plans for the formation of other corps under the name of Gendarmerie , which would constitute a more permanent , and probably a better force , than an equal number of the line , because they would remain longer in the service . The Gendarmerie already amounts to about 25 , 000 men , who are all picked troops , more highly paid tlmn the line , and permanently enrolled . The desire of the Government seems to be to form select bodies of troops , to revive the Imperial Guard and the Regiment of Guides , and to obtain by these changes the nucleus of an army not liable to be influenced by all the changes of the conscription . Very probably this may he so \ md policy in a military point of view ; but it by no means follows that a reduction of a certain number of troops on paper is a bond fide diminution of the aggressive power of the country . "
Independently of the actual increase to the working efficiency of the army , there is an , equal diligence in furnishing the munitions of war , and in practising the men for every species of exercise . The London papers have already informed the people of Paris that the President has accumulated guns to the number of more than a thousand , promptly available ; and the exercises which were begun long before the second of December—Such as the practice of the infantry in keeping up for some hours in a
run with cavalry—have been increasingly continued . Other exercises having been added as occasion offered—such , for example , as the rapid embarkation and debarkation of large bodies of troops , 5000 strong , in the great steamships . If not intended for a definite purpose , this immense machinery must be constructed and practised for an emergency not altogether unforeseen . The destination of its activity may be still under consideration , but it will become either side to be prepared . To adopt the language of our Tory
contemporary" We cannot help it that the mechanism of French society sho uld be such as to enable the Government to assume at any moment an attitude of hostility backed by prompt levies of men trained to arms . The fact is so , and it imposes on us the necessity of adapting our own defensive mechanism to a no less capability of being put in action against sudden contingencies . We live in quick times . Not only our near neighbours the
French , but every nation which has sea-board , are bent on having their war steamers , and that not , as we are free to admit , with immediate designs of aggression , but partly because they have vague ideas of some coming necessities , and partly because we believe that the active temper of the age impels Governments to be doing something calculated to meet their eyes with palpable forms of strength . A sense of power is a great temptation to its being exercised . "
We have said this often : wenoAV find it echoed by the Times and the Morniny Herald ; but wo must still persevere in urging our own readers to watch and aid the growth of correct opinion in this matter , in order that the exertions he sufficient , both in point of extent and of promptitude .
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TUN MISSING IJATON , Ac . Trno Clerk to tho House of Commons annually goes info " the cellars" to search for Guy Fawkes ; but be might bestow bis acumen on other objects . We want a Diogenes Commission for some few things that are missing . We are not all inclined to presume that the present , ( iovernment is worthless . That it . has mnde mistakes we know ; wo have helped to proclaim them . That its original position \ a utterly absurd , wo believe ; and thai its present position h ludicrously illogical ,
every one can wee without our showing . Jt entered oilice , as many supposed , to restore Protection , after even the vafit bulk of the Protectionist party had practically learned to value free trade in the Hhape of cheap food ; but having entered oflico under that flag , the party disavowed its standard , and used the bunting which had ' ¦ braved a thousand yen . rH , " < tc ., as a duster to polish the furniture of free trade anew for the use of gentce-ler hands . When it waived its
protectionist function , however , it still remained in want ; of a mission . Casting about , it-observed thiitLord John was the Wai Tyler of the day ; iuh ! ho the great , mission flint remained open was the great resistance to the " democracy . " Accordingly , Protectionists once Protectionists , Protectionists no longer , professed to be in ollico us holders of the outposts against " 1 , 1 io inroads of democracy . " . Hut Lord I > erby disposed ol ' that mJHtiion iu bin speech on . JKriduy evening . Ho
had seen the democracy , face to face , and was not afraid of it . He saw that if the upper classes of the country meet the democracy in good fellowship , they are welcomed with cordial cooperation . In no country is it easier to rule , in no country is a public ruler more "facile princeps . " Probably we shall hear no more of Xord Derby ' s mission to resist the democracy . , Whatj then , is the mission of the present Government ? This is amongst the things that the
Diogenes Commission should inquire into . We do not at all presume that , when found , the mission would prove to be worthless : quite the reverse . We have a shrewd suspicion that there is lurking in the Ministerial mind some project which would be extremely popular , if it were but known . " Adversity makes us acquainted with strange bed-fellows , " and disappointment sharpens invention . The Ministry that cannot restore Protection * , that cannot find it in its heart to resist
democracy , will hardly like to leave office , like a candle going out in the socket , without any achievement worthy of its party . Some great idea may be struck out . The Protectionist party that cannot adopt free trade , may be its own teacher , and the party that came into office to resist democracy , may continue in office to lead the democracy . The Diogenes Commission would find out this truth for us ; and if the event should prove as we suspect , we might see a very pretty race . Lord John has already got the start at Perth , and at present be is the favourite for the democratic plate ; but if Mr . Disraeli were to enter , the odds , we suspect , would be in his favour .
If it were so , or indeed if it were quite the reverse , and in any case , we do not understand Low the present Ministry , or any other Ministry , should get on with Lord Malmesbury at the present time , or indeed u ' o any other time . The man who has almost pledged us against our natural ally , America ; who is pledging us with our useless and incorrigible ally , Spain ; who is playing the game of France in Constantinople , in Turin , and Brussels , is not exactly the person to select as our Foreign Minister . It was- said
that Lord Stratford , of Kedcliffc , had been brought back from Constantinople on purpose to take the post which Lord Malmesbury held ad interim . It was that belief which somewhat reconciled politicians to Lord Stratford ' s removal from his post in Turkey : now Lord Stratford is still absent from Turkey ; but he is not present in Downing-strcet . The second thing which the Diogenes Commission could usefully discover for the English public is , what has become of Lord Stratford ?
There is a third thing for the Commission to seek out , of less magnitude in itself , but not without its symbolic meaning . The Union , Paris paper , notes that there were but seven batons in the funeral procession on Thursday , Franco no ± being one ; and remarks , that the fact for over sets at rest the calumnious assertion that AVellington had been made ; a Marshal of France . It is somewhat remarkable that amongst the titles proclaimed by the Garter Xing at Arms , as pertaining to the Duke of Wellington , is that of
" Marshal of France . JNow , which was rightthe Union or Sir William Voting P It is not for us to determine ; but we are perhaps nationally inclined to suppose that our own principal herald must have been in the right . . But yet , again , if so , what , had become of the eighth baton ? Where was the baton of France that ought to have been in the procession ? Was it kept- back , " lest it should olFend the foreignerP" This is the third thing for which the Diogenes Commission would look ; and they might begin by looking into Lord iVlalmesbury'H pocket .
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November 27 , 1852 . ] THE LEADER . 1137
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TAXATION IM'IDUCKI ) TO UNITY AND SIMPLICITY . VIII . KUICNCH TAXATION . * Till' : work of ML Kmile < le ( tirimliii , which supplies flio subject of I his art ic . le , consists of three pints : Mm ; first treats of the taxation of I'Yancr . as it was heforo 17 . SJ ); tho . second exhibits that taxation a . s it now exists ; the third . stales and discuHst's the plnn . s of I'Yeneli financial reform proposed b . y the author . Much of theso parts of tho hook mif ^ e- ils niiilters for reflection to which our limited space will permit hut imperfect justice . Tho history of taxation , and of its connexion wilh * Ij Iwpot . I ' m * I'imilo d < i ( jiimrdin . Nixicino lOdit . ion . I ' nri . s : A lu Jalu'uirio JNouvello , Jhnilovurd doa lliiliuua , 16 . i « 6 iJ .
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), Nov. 27, 1852, page 1137, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1962/page/13/
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