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"It waa on the forenoon of the 9 th of last month , that the news reached London by telegraphic despatch , that an insurrection had broken out in Milan on the 6 th , when a body of citizens , armed with poniards , had attacked the Austrian soldiers and police in some quarters of the town , and particularly in or near the citadel . Many deaths were faid to have occurred ; and it was stated that the fighting was still going on , that a proclamation of Mazzini was posted up on the walls of Milan , and that all communication with the town was stopped . On the following day the Daily News published the proclamation of Mazzini , with another document purporting to be a proclamation of Kossuth to the Hungarian soldiers in the Austrian service in Italv , calling on them to join the insurrection .
Forthwith , of course , all our political quidnuncs had their comments to make . With many , of course , the feeling waa one of most friendly anxiety , wavering between hope and fear . With others , of course , the feeling was one of sheer Tiversion and alarm . Others there were , however , liberal men enough , who carried their English notions over to the scene of action , and set about measuring what was going on there with their small pair of English compasses : —* Why make a revolution— -just now at least ? Why not wait and select a right time ? VVhy not wait to see what France will do ? Mere nonsense to expect to do anything for liberty in Europe till France stirs ! And then , above
all , to begin such a revolution with poniards—poniards against cannon ; a few hot-headed zealots against such an army as that which Austr ia possesses in Lombardy . We do not like that style of action , and proclamation of ' war to the knife . ' We fear the attempt is premature , and that the consequence of such imprudence will only be to postpone indefinitely the time of successful action . Why cannot Italians act like Englishmen , who wait , resist passively , and only act when they can act broadside ; or why , at least , do they not follow the admirable example of one of their own sections , the Piedmontese , who are going on so well , with tolerable liberty , in a career of moderate and progressive reform ?'
" To persons knowing anything of Italy , or even considering attentively the insurrection itself and the circumstances attending it , all this preaching was most weary , stale , flat , and unprofitable . " In the first place , they knew whafc had been going on in Lombardy , and how necessarily it had led to this insurrection . Let our readers refer back to . past Records , where accounts are given of the recent arrests in the Lombard cities and in Venice , to the number of several hundreds of men in all classes of society ; of the sufferings of these men and their families : and of the subsequent execution of a selected number of them by public strangulation at Mantua , after the whippings and other tortures , mental end physical , of Austrian dungeons . Let them realize
these accounts ; let them look at the blood there told of till their eyes see all things coloured red ; and then , with eyes thus qualified , let them gaze at a map of Northern Italy , seeing the fertile Lombard plains , and these plains studded with their noble cities—Milan , Mantua , Padua , Verona , and others . Let them , then , think whether insurrection in Lombardy was a thing that could be arranged calmly and deliberately , like the day and hour for a dinner party . The population of England is more than twice as large as that of Lombardy ; but if , in the course of one or two months , three hundred victims were selected from among the families of England for alleged political crimes , these victims tortured in prison , and some of them publicly strangled , would it be so very wonderful or so very
reprehensible , if in some English town an insurrection were to break out , on the impulse of men goaded beyond endurance , and incapable of postponing action till they had first calculated the ' situation' of Europe , and the views of Louis Napoleon and his wife . Nor is this an imaginary view of the case as regards the Italian insurrection . It is a known fact , that in Lorabardy men ' s minds were goaded to that pitch that insurrection was called for , was threatened , was almost decided on . It was in these circumstances that Mazzini , invoked by those who regarded him as their chief—Mazzini , who in previous times had prevented
immature insurrection , who had dissuaded the brothers Bandiera from the scheme which cost them thoir lives , who had advised and onjoined pationco on reluctant men—left hifl safe refuge in England , and hastened , as in duty bound , to such a proximity to the wcono of action as might enable him to see and judge for himself , to arrango insurrection if insurrection wore determined on , and to place himself at the head of it . The rosult ia known . Mazzini had left England early in January , and , on tho ( 5 th of February , his proclamation was posted on tho walla of Milan .
" But , in the second plaeo , this insurrection , so far as appears , was not a moro hasty ill-concocted explosion oi'irroprossiblo despair ; it was a dooply-plannod inauguration of what was intonded to bo a national Italian movement . Tho leaders of it aro not to bo blamed as thoughtless and hotheaded men . True , tho particulars of their scheme aro hid under tho result which bofol tlio beginning of it ; but enough is known to indicato that tho schorno was matured with a determinate regard—erroneous , it may be , but otill determinate—to considerations of political probability , and oven of military likolihood and strategy . Tho notion clearly was , that tboro should bo a flimujtanoouH or nearly simultaneous rising ajrainst tho AiiBlrians in all parts of Italy .
It is thus and thus alone thai H groat army , nuoh un that which Austria holds in Italy , can bo paralysed and overcome . But oven this wm not tho Holo ground of expectation . It scorns clearly to hnvo boon a second feature of the scheme , that it was to afford an opportunity for tho practical exemplification of whnt has hitherto boon only a theory , but a theory pregnant with great " ofloots upon tho condition of Europe—tho theory of tho alliance botweon Italy and Hungary . It in now many months sinco intellects of no mean sagacity saw in this theory at onco n ulratituto ami a death-blow for tlio old idea , that overything in Europo depend * * on tlio I < Vonch initiativo . Only tho <] th « day , too , thie notion waa familioriisod to tho English mind by the ( spectacle of Mazzini and Koseuth
standing together , hand in hand , on the same platform—Italy , as it were , pledging Hungary , and Hungary Italy , in the presence of a British audience . ' The time will come , ' Kossuth said on that occasion , ' when , as thus you see me take the hand of my friend and brother Mazzini , so you will see Hungary and Italy , not only standing up , but also marching . on together against the common enemy . ' There is no doubt , therefore , that it w as part of the ' scheme of the contemplated insurrection , that the Hungarian soldiers in Italy should fraternize with the Italian patriots . This accomplished , the alliance between Italy and Hungary would have been no longer a theory , but a fact ; and Italy owing her freedom to her own exertionswith the assistance of another people oppressed by
, the same enemy , would have practically given the lie to the ruinous crotchet that her salvation must come by a side-wind from French policy and Napoleonian intrigue . Hence the significance of the alleged proclamation from . Kossuth in circulation in Italy . Kossuth has since disowned the document ; but of the truth of the main fact which the document alleged to Europe- —namely , that in any struggle which the Italian leaders might resolve upon , Italv might depend on the co-operation of the Hungarian troops , bo far as they were at the bidding of the chief Hungarian leader—there is abundant evidence in Kossuth ' s own declaration , accompanying the disavowal of the document , that had the struggle continued , he would have set out to be in the midst of it . A scheme , founded on such
an agreement to combine the strength of Hungary with that of Italy , was no mere project of impatient folly . " The only thing that remains , therefore , to afford the slightest ground for a charge of imprudence over and above the imprudence which must attach to every act where men dare a great risk in the face of an incalculable future , is the manner of beginning the movement . But let the real state of the case be considered . It was necessary that there should bo a beginning ; that this beginning should be in one spot ; and that what was intended to become a conflagration should at first be a mere sjpark . Milan , judiciously enough for all reasons , was the spot selected . The Milanese had driven out the Austrians before , and were ready to try to do so again ; and twentyfour hours of insurrection in Milan would rouse all
Lombardy , and even bring Piedmontese strength into Lombardy . And to begin this beginning , to set a-going insurrection within Milan itself , what other plan was possible than that a certain number of men should meet at a given point , armed with poniards ? Could they have gone into the streets with muskets even if they had them P Poniards and nothing but poniards , could begin such an affray ; let the poniards but have opened the way , and sticklers for revolution , on a great scale , would have seen the sequel taken up by their favourite agencies of muskets , barricades , and cannon . " In short , the only real allegation against the plan is that it failed . The very nature of the plan , the very fact that there teas a plan , is hidden beneath the circumstance of failure . Now failure was possible in any case , and even
failure at the beginning ; but there is reason , from the accounts received , to believe that the failure arose from a departure from the strict order of the plan as it had been laid down . Treachery or indiscreet babbling had forewarned the Austriane ; this was known , and tho word was given by the patriotic leaders to refrain . It was too late , however ; the boldost and least patient , feeling themselves compromised , would not wait ; and the insurrection was begun . It was crushed . They fell , these martyrs to liberty—men to be remembered hereafter , though we Englishmen may never know their names . Milan saw them fall , but held back , saying , ' so many deaths the more to-day ; the recompense will come tomorrow . ' And yet , Jwho that can mentally analyse such an occurrence , will venture to say how near such a failure may havo been to a glorious success . various
" Tho consequences of the Milan insurrection aro . ( 1 . ) For Milan itself the consequence has been tyranny and suffering increased tenfold . Such of the known victims as did not perish in the streets have been hanged or shot , or are reserved for that fate . For other victims tho Auetrians are in search—their police tracking them through houses and hiding-places , while every gate of the city ia kept shut and guarded to prevent escape . Coffins leaving the city , we are told , have been opened , lest they should contain Maznini . A vain search ! Meanwhile vengeance falls heavily upon devoted Milan . The governor Btrassoldo at first thanked tho Milanese for giving no countenance to tho revolt ; Itadetzky , knowing better , or moro candid , punishes tho whole city , as morally implicated , by a tromondoua lino . ( 2 . ) What are tlio consequences for tho goneral Italian cause in Italy it is difficult yet to say . As a general rule , crushed attempts discourage men and postnot al boIt is
pone final success ; but it is ways . quite poBsiblo that tho spirit which burst forth in this Milan insurrection may swell and grow underneath the surface , all tho more rapidly that it lias onco again tasted escape into tho uppor air . Wo nro already beginning to hear that it in bo . ( . ' * . ) At nil event h , tho effect upon tho opinion of Europo Iins been immense Moro than anything that has happened for a long timo , tho Milan insurrection has impressed upon men and ntatosrnon of all nations the fact of tho instability of \\\ o present stato of things in continental Europo . ' Tho entire surface of Europo , from Spain to Italy , i ' rtnn Grooco to Poland , is a volcanic crust . ' So naid Mazzini in his proclamation ; and men now believe it . Austria in agitated—thero nro rumours of commotions in her tmstorn provinces ; Prussia manifesto unusual alarmtho Hpirit of Gorman revolution ueomH oncp moro to stir . On what a littlo thing does tho boosted order of absolutism
depend r " Among tho consoquoncoa of tho Milan insurrection may bo reckoned tho demand addromuid to our Government by tho uiiitod powers of Austria , Prussia , and France , for tho extradition or expulsion of tho political r « fug « eH—particularly IvoHHiMli and MaxKini . If , an Lord Palmnrnton Ijiih utatod in tho Jlotwo of Ooraraone , thia demand has not been formally mode , it has at least been announced to our
Government in such a way at to call for afai r&ual ; which flat refusal it has received . This mtelhgenca , when spread through the length and breadth of the land , * nH rouse the best heart of the nation . Even the Timsthas declared that sooner than yield to such a demand , England « will shed the last drop of her blood ; ' and if this is from , the Times , what from the people of England P Qne thing however , must be borne in xaind . Supposing that the foreign powers desist from their absurd and insolent demand , there is still a course , by our present law , open to them . They may demand a prosecution of the refugees in our law courts , as Napoleon demanded the prosecution of Peltier . In that case , it will be for them to adduce proofs of conduct of the refugees in England contrary to the laws of England ; and it will be for a British jury to pronounce the most important verdict of the present entury . "
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PETITIONS ON BEHALF OF ITALY . Austrianized articles in leading journals to the contrary notwithstanding , the recent movement in Milan has disconcerted absolutist thrones , and moved as only a patriotic fact can move , the sympathies of England . Mazzini invests conspiracy with a nobility hitherto unknown in Europe . His dauntless chivalry , his manly acceptance of the responsibility of the late frustrated Milanese initiative , have renewed the public admiration which his triumvirate inspired , of the rare union of the man of thought with the man of action .
Illustrious among leaders , tbe sympathy of England has been awakened by his Roman sorrow for his suffering nation , in which , as he truly and justly says , in his letter to the Italia JE Popolo , no " remorse" does or can mingle . Nor have publicists been less instructed by the genial letter of Kossuth , in which the Magyar leader justifies his own explanation , and maintains his public and private friendship for his eminent Italian brother patriot . As tyranny grows more and more harsh , suicidal , and insane , patriotism shines out more glowing than it has hitherto been beheld .
No local proof of this is more eloquent than that furnished by the progress of the Society of tbe Friends of Italy . New members are being added daily , accessories of funds are made , demands for petitions from all parts of the country are received . England , thus moved to action , is the best indication , beyond all newspaper sympathy , that the appreciation of earnest and courageous patriotism has not altogether died out amongst us . _ _ _ . . „ ..
The Honorary Secretaries of the Society of the Friends of Italy state to all friends who have petitions against the hostile occupation of the Roman States in course of signature , in their hands , that Mr . T . S . Duncombe , M . P ., intends to bring forward hiB motion immediately after the Easter recess—that is to say , probably in the second week in April ; but that he purposes to present , if possible , all the petitions , at ^ one and the same time , before the House rises—that is to say , as nearly as may be , by the middle of the present month . Therefore all petitions now out should be forwarded to the Society in the course of the next ten days . With a little extra exertion this will be easily accomplished in almost every case ; if , in any instance , it should prove impossible , the later date , the . second week in April , must be considered as the last available
moment . The Committee urge all members who . have not as yet undertaken tho management of a petition , to procure and endeavour to return at least one , howevor moderate may be the number of signatures attainable in so short a time , before the motion of Mr . Dnncombc is brought before tbe House . One week ' s devotion of the spare hours of each day to this practical work , will l ) e the best testimony of a real interest in tho cause , just now in the power of the Friends of Italy torondor ; and will bo no moro than in absolutely duo to thoao liberal members of the House of Commons , who , with Mr . Duncombo , are prepared to submit deliberately to tbe votcn of our Representative Anaernbly , tho case so harshly aggravated of late , of the Roninn pooplo airahmt tho despotic governments of Austria and
France . Petitions , ready for signature , will bo forwarded , on application , by return of pout , to any person desiring them , from tho Society of tho Frionda of Italy , 10 , Southampton-street , Btrund . Need wo jihIc tho attention of our roaderH to this request ?
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TIIK WELLINGTON MONUMENT IN SOMERSETS II IRK . Wk briefly reported a largo and influential meeting of tlio county gcntluinon of Somerset , under tho pro-Hidenoy of tho High Sheriff ; held at Taunton on tlio IBth of luttt January , relative to tho restoration of thu Wellington Monuimint , which stands on a very exposed but picturesque and appropriate trite on ono of tho outposts of tho IHackduwii Hills , immediately overlooking tlio town of Wellington , from which tho Duko took hia title .
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248 THE LEADER . [ Satpbpat ,
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), March 12, 1853, page 248, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1977/page/8/
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