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affairs of the party out of office . The object of the Indian Reformers has been togaina couple of years' delay , adopting a CoHtini&nce 4 s 81 as a merely provisional measure . EL thai tJourse they have been consistent . Their main gr ## nd is , that something like public opinion on th % subject in India and England has beea very xectSm evinced j ; and that to give that putmfe ' opiniSft Tall justice , it is necessary to take a little more time . Mr . John Bright , Mr . Blackett , and Mr . Danby Seymour , with other leaders of the Reform Society , have sustained that course in the House of
Commons . The Earl of Derby and Iris party take thenstand simply in opposition to the Government . Lord Derby ' s son , Lord Stanley , constituted a kind of medium by which the two parties might act . He had volunteered an amendment , proposing delay , which , of course , was to unite the Reform Society and the Derby Oppositionists . The Earl of Derby summoned a meeting at his own house on Wednesday , to prepare for the struggle . The meeting , however , is said to have been much smaller than others that have preceded it in the same mansion this session , and not to
have been unanimous . While Lord Stanley was speaking , his own party was represented by half a dozen Members on half-deserted benches . The most respectable of the Derby-Disraeli party , such as Mr . Herries , distinctly separated themselves from the support of the amendment ; and whatever success may have attended the efforts of the
comparatively young party of Indian Reformers , the attempt of the Stanley section was a decided failure . The debate last night brought to the Government the distinguished support of Mr . Macaulay , and the adhesion of Lord Jocelyii—an indication of what may be expected from the independent Members .
There needs some more powerful influence to bring together these scattered elements of strength on the side of reform , and an excellent suggestion for the purpose is made by a contemporary specially devoted to Indian affairs—the ^ London Mail . Reviewing the separated materials—the Reform Society , the off-lying parties , the diverse interests , the Native or Anglo-Indian Associations —the Mail suggests that these , still left independently working in their several spheres , might be united in their main action by ah " Indian Reform League . "
Looking , in effect , upon the Church as a State machine—a kind of superior pdlice establishment —a large nest with snug places in it for a good round number of the spiritual police , sonic at clerk ' s wages—the Marquis of Blandford presents his bill on episcopal and capitular property , arid its principle commands the hearty assent of Lord John Russell . But he made a wise reservation of
opinion as to the details . We must make the same , not only as to details , but principle . There are two ways of looking at the principle , too . Docs the Church sanction that Principle ? Are they aware to what depths of Erastianistn this principle leads ? If the State may manage the property of the Church , Why may hot the State absorb the property of the Church ? If Parliament
may take Church property to endow curates , nitty it not take Church property to endow schools ? Admit the right of the Sweeping Parliamentary control , and where will you stop ? Parliament , too , is about to be reformed . We express no opinion ; we only point to consequences . If the lay and low members of the Church consent to this principle , to those consequences they must submit .
The proceedings of the ' Election Committees arfc more amusing in ificir results thflfri in thjfeir progress , which has been rather tedious . The tWo Members for Liverpool are Unseated on the extent mthcr ttmn the degree of the bribery . The Berwick Committee has reported thd facts of the compromise between Mr . HodWm and Mr : Fortftor , but MutewaBhfmi toe rivals of any fculpriBlfr intention on th 6 ir 6 wri ^ faf ; m ^ ford the Do *
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ham Committee Ulr . CoppWk and Mr . Browne have explained , & * the most distinct manner , how tyltoy managed $ & rare off petiti < # & , and withdraw ttfem , in icraflfert , B that & % feWtan of iWfife Members iM been V&y much rate a game of bowls iftftfteen the Wo cifiref agents . life stride ^ at SiSfc&port coi&Snues * Ibd has exuded itself % o We of the ^ hrjtfttrmg district * The masters still hold out , on the ground that the state of their business does not permit them to make the advance required by the men , and one master is said to have given proofs to the satisfaction of his hands . If that is true , why do not the
others follow his example ? If they cannot raise wages , it is probable that they can contract time at any rate . If the cotton trade of some particular places is in an exceptional state , the men ought to be made to understand it . Until they do , they are quite right to persevere in their demands . On the whole , however , trade is very prosperous , and the rise continues even in places where we had
supposed it to have ceased : for example , we have a report from Cornwall which announces the fact that the agricultural labourers are receiving even so much as 12 s . a week;—just the sum , if we remember rightly , which was earned by labourers on the estate managed by Mr . Felix Loyd , about three years ago . So . much can benevolent and intelligent managers do to anticipate the blessings of prosperity .
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THE WEEK UST PARLIAMENT . THE INDIA BILL : OPPOSITION . The Opposition have commenced their campaign against the Government scheme . Lord Stamet has moved the following amendment : — " That , in the Op inion of this House , farther information is necessary to enable Parliament to legislate with advantage for the permanent government of India ; and that , at this late period of the Session , it is inexpedient to proceed with a me asure which , while it disturbs existing arrangements , cannot be considered as a final settlement . ' He introduced the amendment in a speech of two hours and a-half . It is not expedient to legislate at the close of a protracted session . The House have sat since November , and it is not desirable that the session should last until the close of August . That would allow but six weeks for the discussion of this bill . In past years great questions had taken more time : the Reform Bill took six months , the repeal of the Corn Laws five months , and the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill from February to the close of the session . In 1833 , this very question of India was discussed with deliberate delay . The committee was appointed in 1831 , three years before the expiration of the charter ( fourteen months earlier in proportion than the nomination of the committeo that was appointed in the beginnmg of last year ) . It closed its sittings in 1832 . The House took a year to consider
the report ; and the India Bill , introduced in the middle of the sessidn Of 1833 , was passed the sake year . Going back to 1783 , the measure then carried was considered for eight months . Besides these precedents , wo should delay in deference to public opinion in India ; for it would bo wilfully giving up a great advantage not to obtain the valuable suggestions of the 6000 or 7000 civil and military servants Who had passed many . years in India . It has "been said that tlio East India Company are on their trial . But what the Government propose to do is this—having received a portibn of the evidence , they interrupt the proceedings , and calls upon them now , without further investigation , to bring in their verdict . The arguments for
immediate legislation are not strong . Lord Dulhounio ' s opinion might have been in answer to a Idading question ; ho iriiglit simply haVo Kftid : " If y ou have a mcatmro ready , the sooner you legislate the better . " Lord Ellcnborough lms Fttated that tho present measure would produce rather than allay agitation . Against delay it has been said , that because wo cannot get accurate information on tho whole question ,, we are to ijispenjjo with information altogether ; }; hnt argument is ridiculous . Itis alHOHuid'tnfttihor ' G Will bo agitation in India . t ) id tliat mcun insurrection or ftisturbahco P If so , it is a bnrielcHS 'tt ^ pr - chtinftioii . Thoro is not a flingle instance of disturbance * in Jndia while tho Legislature at home wan discussing a question of this kind . There is no reason for such a
disturbance , considering l t 1 iu immense milifcury force in india , the unwarliko habits of tho people , iihd the want of military system and of general Sympathy iimolig tho different ' native r ' netw . It Huh been ur ^ ed , that if Wo do not legislate immediately Wo jsllall weaken British authority in ftidifrj Ibiuttlie Oovtrnment bill itwelf heart
the imprest # prfl&ional leg islation . And as regards actual admvrostfra ^ ft , Ihe result of suspending legislation would give ffliclSSSfed responsibility to persons . Vorking under ttie ««^ ernment , and increased activity Si setting tteti « # s £ in ' order . Some may object to % e amendmWfc Wat some legislation is necessary ; feut its &ppor&rs , * f course , assume the passing of a $ ontiniftnee - £ & Wr \ Hmited peYiod of time . The $ ov $ rnmest Sueakure contains a variety of details—soffie unotjectibWole , —such as the addition of legislative councilors , and the appointment of a law commission . Regarding the non-renewal of the charter , it would have been better if the Government took a
fixed period , and said , " That is our Indian Constitution , and good or bad , it shall have a fair trial in India . " The patronage by the Company has been censured ; but the men are better than the system which places a large amount of patronage in private hands , and gives the Directors an inadequate amount of remuneration . Consequently , the patronage is not exercised entirely for the public benefit—in fact , the system implies that the Directors have a large discretion in the distribution of that patronage for private purposes . The Government bill does not much Reform this 3 for while formerly each Director had in his jgrc fourteen appointments ( civil and military ) , he would under the new bill have thirteen annually . In the
disposal of civil patronage the bill introduces a principle unknown here—4 he Chinese principle ; namely , unlimited intellectual competition for all offices . Tfie new system is an improvement ; but there will be practical difficulties in carrying it out . And we are running some risks of overrunning In'dia with oVereducated mediocrity . It would be advisable to give some part of the patronage to the educational establishments of the country , and some to the Government for distribution among the sons of civil
and military servants . Respecting the home government , double government may or may not be necessary ; but one thing t is necessary , that the required Legislative Council should be independent of the Government of the day . But the six "Government nominee ' s would be absolutely Under the influence of the Minister of the day . A bye-law against canvassing for Directorships is proposed ; but it only prevents canvassing by proprietors , and it will be entirely nugatory . Many things in India require examination—the continual warlike efforts at , territorial aggrandizement , the unsatisfactory state of the finances , the want ^ of good roads and other public works , and the condition of the judicial administration .
Mr . Robert LowE complained that if the House followed Lord Stanley they would be bandied backwards and forwards—first , from the main subject of debate to the propriety of debating it , and then . from the propriety of debating ib back to the main subject . Lord Stanley also diverged into collateral subjects beside the question at i&sUe . Then , the amendment objects to permanent legislation without inoro inquiry ; but Sir Charles Wood ' s Bill is provisional not permanent . Lord Stanley said that India was tranquil , while , in fact , from one end to another it is in a state of commotion . Thus commenting op the points of Lord Stanley ' s speech , and considering in detail the Government plan , Mr . Lowe spoke for some time in its praise , and with especial eulogy of the opening of tho Civil Service to the public competition of men of merit .
Mr . JPttlNN objected to the present system in India , where the cold shade of a Company was interposed between the subjects of . the Crown and the monarch of this great empire . Tho Government Bill is a half measure . It continues the most repulsive of all fbrtn ' a of government—tlio ' government of a plutocracy . The results of that govemmeht have been disastrous , as the diminution of the revenue , tho delays of judicature , and tho waht of public works , the denial of justice to tho princes of Iridin , and the denial of employment to the people , fully prove .
Sir RonfiBT InqIjIH objected both to t , ho Bill and to Lord Stanloy's amendment . The JJill provokoH agitation , gives too much power to tho Crown , alters that system which Sir Charles Wood praised , and which hud dbirio real good . Tho nntives under British rule irtVe intfhstrionfl , contented , and happy . Mr . II . BAIfcttK advocated delay . Mr . Hmkbieb strongly condemned tho amendment ; advocated instant leginlation ; Hnd said he would votjo for tho second reading of tho Hill in tlio hope of amending it in committee . Mr . liuMic supported Lord Stanley ' s amendment , and condemned the bill for its degradation of tho Directors , and its non-provision of employment for tho natives .
While Mr . Hume was Breaking the Houto was crowded in every part ; arid Mr . Hume ' s lining waft greeted with impatient cries for " Macaulay , " whose intention of ffimkuiR waa rumoured during the day .
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602 TH 1 Ld *© EB ^ [ Saturday ,
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Leader (1850-1860), June 25, 1853, page 602, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1992/page/2/
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