On this page
-
Text (1)
-
Untitled Article
Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
-
-
Transcript
-
Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.
Untitled Article
factory and encouraging assurances of her Majesty ' s ministers . !" . The policy , sir , which must guide us m our proceedings with Russia is clear . It is one of boldness and unflinching determination . A temporising course of conduct has weakened our influence and rendered us comparatively powerless in all great emergencies . We have shown ourselves unequal to anything just in those moments when we should have proved our enlightened capability ; and instead of drawing from the sources of our knowledge and of our
civilization strength and independence , we have drawn but doubt and hesitancy , and ignominious fear . The public mind , the intellects of our writers , get more clouded and more clouded every hour . In one moment we are told that the answer of ; M . Drouyn de l'Huys to the [ Russian manifesto was marked by great fairness and " a determination to uphold , in concert with this country , those principles of public law which are the strongest bond of national interest and of the general peace "— -in the next we are reminded the
that " though it cannot be maintained that present invasion is justified by treaty , " " Russia is not eo easily to be frightened by an attitude . " No , sir , for the credit of England , for the honour of our common country , we may dare assert it without contradiction , England is the _ only country that trembles at an attitude . This unhappy enunciation of a principle applies both ways , and we judge , in our humility , where its most telling and most disgraceful application falls . It ' . is . Russia that must bully ; it is England that must submit to be bullied . The
fulsome praises of our glory , uttered a few months since around the bier of a departed warrior and statesman , present a melancholy contrast to our conduct now . ' And the French Government , which is admired , and the French policy ^ which is upheld , declares itself decidedly of opinion that the . Russian occupation of the principalities would be a violation of public rights and of public law . " Where , sir , is inconsistency to end—where is consistency to begin ?
The public law of Europe must be maintained ; the Powers must maintain the public law of Europe ; Russia has infringed the public law of Europe by occupying the Danubian principalities ; therefore the public law of Europe is broken , and Russia p laced without its pale . As , therefore , the public law of Europe , is broken by Russia , and Hussia , like any other offender , must be brought to justice , who is going to do thisP France is ready , Turkey is willing , but England , after encouraging this violation by her supineness , after declaring the irrefutable nature of this public law doctrine , openly winks at the burglar , and finally hints that although caught in the act , he ought to be helped off with a
portion of the plate . What else means the doctrine that " an arrangement not utterly disgraceful to ^ Turkey will probably be concluded , in order to save appearances . " And this , sir , is the " public law" doctrine—this is the " armed peace "—the " balance of power , " and that nicely-poised state of kingdoms ; and that " congress of nations , " which now interfere to prevent wrong , to stay aggression , and to render oven-handed justico where that scarce commodity is needed . And yet this beam of European justice , sir , is evidently so ill-balanced as to secure tho conviction of any more trader who should dare to adopt it . And Turkey iB to request this savage—rushing , hatchet in hand , to take her scalp , to sit down quietly and discuss tho matter .
The first fell swoop has been made—tho foul talons of the Russian eagle are now buried deep in the quivering breast of her unhappy victim . Religious animosities will bo awakened , tho slumbering embers of fnnuticism funned into a flame , and whilst tho Montenegrins nre gathering to arms , whilst the Russian troops aro within the borders of the struggling empire , whilflt tho resources of tho Porte aro heing wasted , hoi finances irreparably injured , hor populace
demoralized , her future of enlightened toleration and of progressive strength imperilled , if not deetroyed for eve * , England will negotiate . Tho leBaon of the refugeon lias boon forgotten . It was thought worth while to rink a general war for the Bake of a few foreigners—it is not thought worth vrhilo to risk tho same consequences for results <> t infinitely more importance . Xa it not useless , Wf # when despairing of aught but disgrace , when oxpootjng nothing but shamo , to expatiate upon wo meumwoa necessary to eavo our unfortunate
and deceived ally ? With a last hope , and m default of the absolute interdiction of invasion to the Court of St . Petersburg , I will endeavour to trace in but few words our necessary policy now . The primary pretext of Russian aggression is the uncertainty under which the Emperor pretends to labour as to the condition of the Christian population of Turkey . In conjunction with Russia , the Western Powers must therefore guarantee the liberties and immunities of these populations ; it must even be made a condition of the support we grant to Abdul Medjid . The Powers will then all possess the right of
surveillance which Russia arrogates to herself alone . But civil liberty has also been guaranteed to the Danubian provinces by Russia , and the European Powers must participate in this species of protectorate likewise . We must then obtain , once and for ever , a clear written text of the present position of Russia in respect to thes e ' provinces ; we must have her claims defined , her rights absolutely fixed , and the barrier , once erected , must nevermore be passed . With concord , with courage and resolution , this may be effected ; without them , nothing will and nothing can be done . Should Russia endeavour to extend her claims
ere she defines them , an imperative determination must prevent her , and should she refuse to be satisfied , with this joint guarantee of theEuropean Powers , she will publicly proclaim the injustice of her cause , and the true object of her movement . Unmasked thoroughly—even more fully than now , if that were possible—if Europe unite not then , Europe never will xinite , and must be utterly despaired of . But the position once fixed , stimulated rebellions , officious diplomacy , intrigue , and corruption , the fruits of apparently indigenous seeds , but which are really sown by foreign hands , —all these must be narrowly watched for and unflinchingly opposed .
Propaganda must reply to propaganda . In the same manner that Russia has used Constitutionalists we must use Republicans . As Russia has raised the European provinces of Turkey , so must we raise Poland , Hungary , the Caucasus , GeorgiaJPersia , and any other points where Russia is vulnerable , not forgetting St . Petersburg itself . Not one nefarious weapon employed by the Czar should be neglected by ourselves ; dishonesty and knavery are to be met , if necessary , by dishonesty and knavery too . Russia has prospered under such principles , and ought now to suffer under them ; to meet defeat from her own weapons . We must hear leas and less of a civilization
which makes us fools , of a commercial supremacy which makes us cowards , and of a Christian enlightenment which proves us blockheads . Our faith in public justice and in imperial virtue has proved a flam—let us , therefore , treat rogues as rogues should be treated . If nations are to be an organized corps for the detection of the infringers of this much-praised public law , nations must be their own detectives , and if they are going to be detectives upon high principles , Christian forbearance , mid immutable candour ,
they had botter give up the system at once , until they become more sensible . There are many little dirty things in diplomacy , and all these together would not be so base as to encourage an ally in her hour of doubt , uphold her in her hour of coiirage , and desert her in her hour of danger . Wo are not necessarily virtuous because mouthing high principles , and we may be much more so while using these tricks of diplomacy , and talking , if not so prettily , yet with infinitely greater apropos and with infinitely greater di 8-cornment .
Presupposing , sir , the decision of tho Westorn nations to protoct Turkey from any future aggresflion , wo will now consider the measures nccosBary for hor " preservation and continuance hr a European power . The Christian population necessarily demands our earliest attention , both as being tho pretext of foreign invasion , and tho chief difficulty which moots tho Ottoman Government in tho internal administration of tho kingdom . Tho Christian population of Turkey numbers
about 11 , 000 , 000 ; tho majority aro of tho Greek church , but largo maasoB cultivate tho Latin persuasion , and many aro HehiBmatios , belonging to the non-united portion of tho Christian Greeks . They aro further subdivided by political distinctions . Thoro aro tho Russian Panslavists , tho Slavonian Pnnslaviatfl , tho Illyrian Panalavists , and the Greek members of tlio secret societies . Such are tho main difltinctions of tho agencies at work , and striving to erect nationalities , but
there exist others , the aristocrats and towncommunity parties , or democrats , numerous little self-governed towns or villages , and _ portions of the country , which may be said to possess no government , to acknowledge no master , and to pay no taxes that they can possibly avoid . These parcels of Christians , like dissenters and churchmen , are infinitely more bitter against each " other than they are against the Turks . They not unfrequently destroy each other's hamlets , carry destruction into the towns , and perpetrate the most atrocious cruelties , under the guise of their fanaticism , and each pr oposing
to advance , thereby , the Christian principles ot his church . Their priests are , of course , the most intolerant , and hound them on . A Turk will marry a Christian from the Greek or from the Latin church , but should a member of the former marry a member of the latter , his religion punishes him with excommunication . The . Osmanli frequently interfere , to terminate these frightful conflicts , and obtain the hatred of both Such is the lorabl
parties for so doing . dep e picture of the state of the Christian churches , * n Turkey . The various " Panslavisms" and societies , also contribute to embroil these populations still more effectively . The Greeks , physically and morally wretched , would never succeed , unless a total change passed over their character , in erecting a new empire in the East , The Slavonian and Illvrian Panslavists would never submit
the one to the other , and even should any one party succeed in gaining the upper hand , that party must necessarily oppress the others . One or the other religions must also predominate , and the era of persecution , inaugurated by so unfortunate an event , would lead to such terrible and sanguinary results , as European Turkey haa long been a stranger to . The Osmanli indifferent , philosophically rejecting all these tenets and all these divisions , adjusts the scale of justice , and metes out moderation . The rule of the Osmanli at an end , the struggle of religious denominations commences . The sanguinary conflict fertilises
European Turkey with Christian blood , and , the victory won , by either party , the awful era of persecution commences , and the religious auto dafe holds its abhorred and uninterrupted sway . No Christian nation can be erected here , save upon the soil of a volcano . The populations are inimical , the races totally different , the religions antagonistic : and out of such elements , we are told to erect a Slavonian or other nationality ! Two millions of Mussulmen , the most fanatic of
the empire , the descendants of the janissaries , possess the mountain fastnesses of Bosnia , which , in such a case , would become a second Caucasus . Two millions are also scattered , more or less thickly , in Bulgaria ; and the Bulgarians are a peaceful people . The Albanians are not only partly Mussulmen , but are totally divided in religion , where they are of a different persuasion ; and these disunited races , these opposite creeds , are to join together , and * in conjunction with tho effete Greeks , whom they heartily despise , eject the Turks from Europe .
Tho divisions of tho Christians , then , assure the rule of the Mussulman in Europe , and this , perhaps , happily for the Greeks and Latins themselves . J&ut in order more fully to accommodate the differences of race and religion , tho Turkish Government should enforce those regulations which it promulgated , conferring equal rights upon the Christian with tho other populations of tho Empire . Enlightened merchants acquainted with theao laws no longer bend to the Mussulman , but tho poorer and ignorant classes of tho Greeks in tho country districts
may yet bo seen bowing to tho ianatio lurk who maltreats them . In so far as practicable , tho Sultan has also to protect tho Greeks from each other , and to hinder tho outbreaks attendant upon their opposite religious festivals . Tho religion of Mahomet , lileo our National Church , is endowed by tho State , tho Rayahs , however , like our own dissenters , have to support their religions : and will it bo believed that to such an
extent has the Turkish Government advanced , thtttdomands have boon made for the abrogation of this inequality P What would tho British Parliament think of providing out of tho national funds either for tho Catholics of Great Britain or even for tho Dissontcrs P And yet Turkey , which listens to such n demand , is barbarous and uncivilized . But Turkey can fortunately afford now to rogard tho sectarian diflerenccB of other churches with indifference , for they aro
Untitled Article
« or THE LEADER . [ Satpbpay , ° ^^^^ ^ k ^^ ^^^^ * ¦ ¦¦ " ¦ ' ' ' * ' ¦ ¦ " ' ' . _^^_^ IJM— _^^^^^ . ^^ ' . ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ J g ^ JJPBI ^^^ P ^ PW ^^^^^^^^^^^^^ ^
-
-
Citation
-
Leader (1850-1860), July 16, 1853, page 688, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1995/page/16/
-