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flwed them tHat if he gave them the wages which they asked , his profits would be obliteted Under such circumstances it would have been unreasonable for the men to persevere j but thev did not persevere . They had struck because their information , so far as it went , led them to suppose that they could have higher wages : when they found out their mistake , they returned to work at the old Tate . In another much more remarkable instance , the strike was justified by the events . The people at Stockport asked for an increase of their wages ;
the masters said that they could not give it ; the men declared that what they asked would but place them on a level with the rate of wages given elsewhere ; the masters maintained the contrary , and declared that the amount demanded would be impossible for them to pay ; and the strike lasted several weeks . As it was believed that the masters could not give the increased amount , strong censure was levelled at the men for being so obstinate as to persist in the strike . " You are only inflicting injury on yourselves , " it was said , "in keeping yourselves outof wages for j iiinK oi
80 many weeKS . - me poor HaopjteeptJra with whom you generally deal , and to whom now you pay nothing ! " The men still maintained that it wo uld be possible to give them the amount they asked , and they resolved to continue until they should be proved to have made a mistake . And what was the result P The result was , that the masters yielded . They discovered that they couldpay the increase which they declared to be impossible , and the strike of the men . succeeded in obtaining that which had not been granted on grounds either of reason or justice . Yet Mr . Crawshay ventures upon this sweeping assertion against all
strikes" The consequences of all strikes , without exception , have been , and ever will be , more injurious to the men than their employers . The master only loses time , which can be regained by subsequent manufacture and sale of goods which were not manufactured or sold during the strike ; but the workman has irretrievably lost his time and wages , ancfhas deeply distressed himself and family . " JMow , this statement is so incorrect as to be the reverse of the truth . It is not true that the
consequences of all strikes are more injurious to the men . In the Stockport case the men succeeded in obtaining higher wages , which they would not have done without the strike . But the Stockport case was only one of innumerable instances which have happened during the present year , of strikes amongst the working classes ; we have recorded cases of masons , carpenters , shoemakers , in all parts of the country , who have obtained in many instances a very great advance ; and so little is it true that the strikes were more injurious to the men , that the employers are forced in almost
all instances to concede . We may be quite sure , from tho obstinacy exercised in Stockport , and professed by Mr . Crawshay , that in many other instances tho masters would not have yielded if tho striko had not been more injurious to them . The men , however , in all the cases to which wo allude , obtained a positive advantage from the Btriko—they obtained , with very short hesitation , considerably enhanced wages . Mr . Crawsllay says of his works— "I was , I am thoroughly determined that they shall stop ,
" I am not to be master and tho solo arbiter of what wages I can afford to givo for labour performed in thorn for me . " Tho right may be absolutel y conceded to Mr . Crawshay , but then tho ^• responding right must bo claimed for the men ° r being " masters and solo arbiters" of what wages they can afford to tako for tho labour porjormed by thorn for Mr . Crawshay ; and they « ayo as much right to a collectivo opinion on that Point as tho mastor . If he chooses to bo master and solo arbiter without consulting liis men , tho iimvo
" « 'u a right to bo masters and solo arbiters Without consulting him . But it is that arrogating and fixing tho tonna of a bargain without consulting tho other side which gives rise to most of J » OHo strikes ; and in tho sequel of his lottor Mr . urawHhay shows that ho feels tho impropriety of yarning " master and solo arbiter , '' bocauao ho > Hors to tho chairman of tho workmon moans of posting tho fairness of tho rate of wages which ho Proposes , by effecting a particular bargain in tho sale of rails . Mr . Crawshay , to a cortain oxtent , rH ? u ° ~ rftilfl ' ho sayfl ) ft ™ undor 9 L tt ton * ( l nl that price he cannot afford moro than tea For oont . under tho hoad of wages which hie men » wco him to pay .
It is , however , want of these explanations that leads to strikes ; and also , let us add , the want of rational or truthful language on the . part . of the masters to the men . Here we see the masters of a whole town asserting that a certain advance of wages is impossible , and afterwards making that very advance . Now , then , after such ah assertion and such a result , can men believe the masters P It is not in human nature to do so .
But if the masters make themselves the sole arbiters of what they can afford , unquestionably they will take a different view of wages , both as to justice and possibility , from what the men will tate . Experience , therefore , jtistifies the men in saying , that the masters fix the wages on a one-sided consideration , and do not use correct language when they speak of impossibilities . The only test remaining to the men is to stand back from the bargain—to " strike ; " and although in many cases that test proves that they were
mistaken , yet , also , in innumerable cases , as we have so often seen this year , it proves that they were right . " We regard the strike as being in itself an absolute evil ; but it is the only resort to which the man can appeal , unless he will submit to let the master always fix the rate of wages according to the master ' s view . We do not believe , however , that there is no other alternative between this submission , or the rude process of strikes , whether these are strikes of workmen or strikes of masters . Mr . Crawshay has himself supplied the alternative , when he
gives his men reasons and details . Yet something more is wanted . We believe that Mr . Crawshay thinks himself to be telling the strict truth in these accounts : no doubt other masters have thought the same ; yet they have made assurances to their men which their own actions have subsequently falsified . It is very probable that the Stockport masters believed what th ^ y said when they thought they could not afford to give ten found that
per cent , more wages , yet they they could . Under such circumstances it is only reasonable to say , Mr . Crawshay ' s arguments and figures would be much more convincing , if they were more complete , and corroborated by vouchers . Nevertheless , his exposition is a commencement in the right direction ; and we believe that if masters would only proceed a little further in that right direction , strikes would be comparatively rare , if they did not die out altogether .
Because , under no circumstances can it be advantageous either to masters or men absolutely to arrest the industry which they carry on in common . In most instances of a strike it will be found that there are faults on both sidesimpatience and obstinacy on the one—obstinacy and want of explicitness on the other . Sometimes the fault is all on one side ; and looking at tho greater difficulties with which uneducated men have to contend , it does appear to us that the
masters ought not to grumble if the balance of the fault lay with the men . Yet the masters ought to confess that , in fact , the balance of fault hat more frequently lain with themselves . Until masters consent to adopt the means of securing a thorough understanding with their men on the nature and terms of anft bargain between them , they ought to admit that tho only appeal which tho workman has against the employer is to strike —an appeal which 1 ms as often been successful as not .
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A BRITISH STATESMAN'S IDEA OP THE CUBAN QUESTION . The precise naturo of tho claim which the United States have to Cuba appears not to be understood in this country , even by . thoso statesmen whoso business it is to understand such matters . Wo do not object that such statesmen refuse to admit tho claim of tho United States , nor do wo object that thoy underrate tho right of tho American Republic ; because both tho claim and tho right aro undeniably proper subjects for debate ; but what wo moan is , that
thoy do not scorn to porcoivo tho force of tho arguments , or oven tho moaning with ' which thoso arguments aro advanced . If we want a proof of this misconception wo should find it in tho dospatch addreflsod by Lord John Hunsoll to Mr . Crampton , tho English roprosontativo at Washington , on tho 10 th of February last . Tho dospatch is intended as a reply to a despatch by Mr . Everett to Mr . Crampton , on tho 1 st oftlio previous December— a dospatch stating tho reason why tho United Statos Government did
not feel inclined to accept the proposal of the French and English Government to join in a tripartite convention , guaranteeing possession of Cuba to Spain . * We will now state the case in as brief terms as we can , somewhat as it is ' presented by Mr . Everett . If any one will take the map of America , he will see that towards his own right hand the St . Lawrence pours forth the waters of the northern interior into the North Sea ; the Hudson , the Susquehannah , and other rivers of
considerable size flow from the water of the Alleghanies , and corresponding heights , into the Atlantic ; but behind that water-shed , on the other side , the Mississippi , with its two northern tributaries , the Missouri and the Ohio , each sufficient to be the river of a continent , opens into the Atlantic between the two continents of North and South America . Very far to the left lie the Rocky Mountains , and on that side the chief river is the Columbia . But to the mightiest of all these streams , flowing down the centre channel , which is the largest continental valley
in the world , are those waters of the Mississippi . Scarcely yet peopled , the valley of the Mississippi is destined to be the produce ground of a countless race , yet unborn . The waters do not flow directly into the Atlantic between the two continents , but they first pour into the gulf of Mexico , a circular basin , with two land-heads : on your left is the peninsula of Yucatan ; and on your right , the southern limb of Florida . Between these two , as a species of break-water , lies the island of Cuba —itself large enough to be a kingdom . The distance between Cuba and Florida is about a hundred miles : aud the sea
is not so deep but what there have been projects for damming the navigation between the two . Thus , Cuba constitutes a natural key to the whole water-shed of the interior of North America , even from the sources of the Missouri , the Ohio , and the Mississippi , for the whole length downwards . The Americans , therefore , say that in war time it would be necessary , in a military sense , for them to be sure of the friendly disposition of any person in the occupation of Cuba ; that power to be actually at peace with the United States , at war with its enemies ; for neutrality would as little suffice as the neutrality of a man holding your street-door and its key between you and a riotous mob outside seeking to enter your house .
There are also other reasons why amongst the American people there should be a desire to obtain possession of the island . The violent Abolitionist spirit already has a hold upon Cuba , and is very likely to turn it to account as an instrument of annoyance to the United States . Already the Spanish Government has gono tolerably far in a species of emancipation , the sincerity of which is thrown under the greatest doubt by the connivance of the same government at tho slave-trade A strong prejudice has been circulated amongst
tho Americans by tho report that the English have also joined in conniving at the slave-trade ; and that having stuffed it with rude , savage , " liberated Africans , " they intend to emancipate them , and to establish thero a species of model Abolitionist univcrsal-suffrago N egro-rcvolt-provoking colony—hateful to white Americans , incitatory to black Americans—altogether detestable , malignant , and inconvenient . That thero is any truth in this report our readers will not conceive ; nor will they readily conceive tho
really plausible colour which such a report may bo mado to bear by putting together the facts , that Cuba is replenished with savago Africans , that emancipation is making progress notwithstanding tho connivance at tho slave-trado , and that tho British Government , by failing to enforce anti-slavery treaties with tho slippery Govornmont of Spain , appears to back tho connivance oftlio Spanish Government by an hypocritical sufferance .
Jndepondontly oftlicso grounds , tho Americans believe , and wo alsoboliove , that a lar ^ o proportion of the most intelligent inhabitants of Cuba desire
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AugPST jl 7 , 1853 . ] THE LEADIR . _____ 825
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* ThoHo paporn appear , in the recently publinhod " Corronpomlonco between tho United HtateH , fipivm , and Franco , concerning alleged projootH of oonquontH and annexation on tho inland of Cuba . ' I ' roHontod to tho Houso of Com - mons by command of her MajoHty in piirtmanco of their address of April 11 , l » r > 3 . " In homio eighty pngon of tho parliamentary folio , tho reader linn proHontod nearly tho whole chho of Cuba and itn pofmiblo annexation to tho United Htaten , going baeli to negotiation which aro nsoribod to Uroafc Jirifaiin in 1822 , for tho acquisition of that island by » upocien of purchaao .
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), Aug. 27, 1853, page 825, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2001/page/9/
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