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never yet entertained ihe intention of arresting the ' progress of Russian influence , nor wHl she ever entertain the intention of arresting the influence of Russia in the future . " Even the Times has acknowledged the treacherous designs of Austria . No wonder that all the advanced politicians in England hare made up their minds that Austria must he destroyed to make room for a free Hungary , a free Poland , a free Italy , and to leave her other provinces to be re-united to Germany .
The British nation—such is the , conclusion—in the event of war with Russia , will have to turn against the Austrian court , and to make common cause with the Revolution at Pesth , at Cracow , and at Milan . As to Prussia , it was announced the other day that it was her intention to-enter , in concert with Austria , into direct negotiation with the court of St . Petersburg . England and France would be excluded . Austria and Prussia ( it is impossible f or any one who has studied the German policy of 1849 to dtoubt ) , receiving their instructions from St . Petersburg , would gladly divide , isolate , and throw overboard the British and French nations altogether , to leave the course clear for the Czar . If European war is
declared , Austria and Prussia will support the Czar by an armed neutrality , by a menacing attitude towards Turkey and revolutionary Poland , and an observant one towards France ; perhaps even by a direct support of military operations . Nothing can-arrest the German thrones in this course , except a rising of their own peoples . But liere we encounter a pernicious prejudice . Those who are quite ready to abandon the despotic dynasty of Vienna are equally prone , to confide in the hypocritical dynastyof Berlin . They even go so far as io commit to the Prussian Government , in the event of a conflict between absolutism atiddemocracy , fhe direction of the German movement .
The fact is , that serious misconception exists , especially on this side of the Channel , on the paxt to be played by tlie Prussian dynasty as the defender of Protestantism , protector of contthercial freedom , and natural promoter of a constitutional development . Now , the Crown in Prussia is so zealous a defender of Trotestantistn , and so terrible a foe of the Papacy , that after thirteen years of continuous successes , the Papal Church lias made the Cabinet of Frederick William IV . a conclare of Romanism . In a recent article on " Ultramontanism in Germany , " we cited the very words of the Archbishop of Fteiburg , who asked nothing more than " liberty for the Roman Catholic Church as it exists in the dominions of his Vety High Majesty the King of Prussia . "
The free-trade tendencies of the Berlin Government have resulted , It is" known , in a treaty of commerce with Austria ; a treaty concluded in an Austro-Russiali sense . This aew Customs' Union , put in force oa the first day of the remarkable year 1854 , encircles ia an immense network the territory of sixty millions of men . A very important market fox England , one may say ; but whose full importance will only be elt on the day when Prussia and Austria , following the impulsion of their master , shall wage a war of prohibition . a-gainst British imports , from the North Sea
to the Appenines . Only turn over the leaves of the reports of 1851 , on the negotiations which preceded the conclusion of the Austrian treaty ; you will meet so ten with Nesselrode and Russian Ambassadors , with so many Russian Grand Duchesses , so much of the Czarewitch , of tlve Czarine , and the Czar mixed up with these negotiations , that you will scarcely reject our fears as visionary chimeras . In the way of Constitutionalism , the mistaken notions still current with regard to Prussia might well become dangerous , not only to the hopes of German liberty , but to the political interests of bhe British nation itself .
An influential section of public opinion in Eagland believes in the liberal , constitutional , and progressive tendencies of the Prussian Government . That party is ready , to declare itself against the democratic , anti-Austrian and anti-Prussian mass of the German people , while it ia equally ready to support a Power which is but the catspaw of AuBtrian and Prussian absolutism . The cause of continental liberty will have made a decided step in advance when , at length , the conviction shall have spread through England , not only that the Austrian Government is but a Muscovite in white uniform , but also that the Government of Berlin is but a Hapsburg with a rather more gentlemanly address .
of the Bohenzollern . From the time when the German Princes in their despair called their populations to arms against Napoleon , by the promise of a Constitutional Germany , marching towards liberty and unity—from that hour , we say , the Prussian dynasty , resisting the approaches of that constitutionalism , was for ever employing all its cunning and all its strength to abolish even the charters of a few petty states in the south and centre of Germany . Instead of preparing a greater unity , the efforts of the Prussian Government after 1815 were towards a scission of Germany , dividing the influence between Austria and itself . A line of demarcation was to be
drawn across Germany , whereby " Prussia should govern on the hither side of the Mein and Austria beyond . " Instead of according constitutional liberty , the Prussian Government strove to establish the most unlimited monarchism throughout Germany . " The constitutionalism of the Southern States of Germany was to be combated in all its gradations , and in all its consequences . " Instead of tolerating even simple administrative reforms , the Government insisted on " conserving" all abuses . The only reforms it patronised were in the military art . Let it not be supposed that we are expressing a personal opinion . We are citing the textual words of the Prussian Government . From a heap- of
drnlo-SvSSSJ ? * " ** - * " ** ^^ ^ nri In 1849 , the questions at fastm * were , tftef * wi * rtrJ »» . tkra of the Bourbons and th « 4 l « a « L ^ 2 ft 2 £ the oppression oft he democratic XtS uS *^ sian influeiuje . The restoration was noS ^^ oS ?; of in France , without the previous- defeatof allthe popular movements which hy neutrahS gtte reactumary forces of the various States , tlndetS a Royalist intervention in France irottOSriUei TReJi theletters ^ hich M . Guizot pubuBhlTalfbit ti * £ m the Assemblee Nationaie , under the oiphar of an Omega ; and comparing them with , the facto which are now passing before our eyes , the importance df
me royalist conspiracy of 1849 fc easny-taderstooo 1 he Prussian and Austrian eErmies-adVanBfijgtcwrMa » the Rhine to crush the Revolution la it * l »»* citadeli were destined to act ulteriorly against SwitaeriaiuL against Piedmont , against B * ranee ~ The sole obstacle to the execution of this plan vros the rivalry then existing between the counciilofs of the Austrian anfl Prussian Courts . These councillor ^ unttea in thufc hatred of everything that dated-from the nibble of March ( Marzgesindel ) , were quarrelling about questions of influence , as near neighbours are wont to quarrel . German professors ,. political simpletons , thought to create out of these rivalries a condtttutfoiiwPrusBia They did not perceive tK * t they w « re t > nfy jerving as linktQea to usHnitigatwl absolutism , tfhe men
who had written YOUnniei on thedisgraeefal Machiav « liflta of the Prussian djajasfy wore frtfil wanning their dreams , in spite of tjne gloomy thunders of artillery and tWtusitlades in inanx a foriirear fosse . The-EM of WisstMofteEstkNb ilft ^ at tiirfe Affiftftf . Bailor of Ber BritanaiteHfe ^ ei ^ grite tine Court © f Berlin , was not one of these political aimpletoAs . The political papers emanating . fi'om ^ hin ) , which we . have before us , prove the contrary . The iSarl <> f Westmobeulkd knew perfectly well that the constitutional promises with which PrugBia mail lo war against the democracy were -fictions urn } falsefroodB ; a mere papier-mache" screen to hide ~ the big . guns of despotism . . ¦ ... ¦' : ¦
Accordingly , it was not oa behalf of constitutionalism that the noble { Earl expounded his efforts . He rather laboured to prepare ^ common sction . be tween the Courts of Vienna and llferljn against the Rerolutioo , although , by tlie necessity oftfte situation , the suppression of the German ® evolution irarr fttel to extend the Russian itiflaetR *; WheGtwma of Prussia and Austria , detested byth $ tatiss of ) their populations , could , not stand -wit&ojit theaixi of < th £ hr mighty patron , the Czar ^ Tlie more -they re » ceded from the principles of * # 48 ; ihe riidiiTtjiey were hated , and the mote rndftpefesable -iras it to their safety to knit close the bbmis that attached them to Russia . . ' , r
The understanding between Austria and Pruaeiik was , no doubt , in the interest of the " Roy * J-Family of France . " But it was only possible so / far a * Prussia departed from the appearance even of « certain air of liberalifim , ^ hich eicitiea evident'diA gust at Vienna . It was not tolerated f , at-. 'itt » : tfettas Court that PiruBsiaBhontd-ac ^ uiretin ^^ ne ^ lkydxifAiis herself before the duped public in , a liberal toga * To bring bade Prussia to a pure and simple declara
tion of her absolutist intentions , Austria , through the median * of the Aribhcfifrke John , "Viciir of th German Eoapire , made tis&bfHhw Bad o € ffR ^ ettmofed * land to influence the PruiBiantiComft , iwd ^ rmeipaUy Count Brandenburg , uncle of Frederick jvpUWn-Ty If the complete understanding . necessary "to royalist restoration failed of accompllBmnent , the fifiltcre was certainly not due to aiiy want of elR > rts t ! A tne part of the British Ambassador at the'Gomrt « £ Berlin .
We shall return more specially-to itbes& negotift * tions . We shall cite the aefeual Words of the Earl of Westmoreland , extracts of hi » letties * U * wjiieh he rejoices to witness the triumph ) o £ - <—^ constitutionalism Bah ! nothing of the-sort—" of the Pnvsian and Austrian armies crushing th < German .. Readmtion . Yes » while the British nation believed that Prussia , antirevolutionary as she was , still cherished ' < constitutional intentions , " the British Ambassador was work- * ing at the formal reconstruction of the Holy Alliance * The British nation , so long blindly confident in the administration of its foreign affairs , is now occupied in instituting a general inquest . And this i » our reason for examining closely that old hobby of the alliance of England with a " Constitutional Prussia . " " ' ®«
matic documents we select at present a few extracts only of the memorandum of a Prussian statesman of the year 1822 ; This memorandum was drayn up for the purpose of tracing the'fundamental policy of the Prussian € ror « rnme » t towards the Biet Of Frankfort . Published before ] # * B , in Germany , and by moderate constitutionalists , theatnthenfeicity of these documents , which : chance Bas brought to light , is indisputable , and not even denied by the Prussian Government . We find , in looking over these papers , that * ' ever since the Congress of Vienna it has been the invariable object of Prussia
to bring about a division of Germany , but in soch a manner as that , in case of partition , the majority of States should * pronounce themselves- for Prussia . " Her rule of policy was "to exhibit to the Diet of Frankfort an apparently active zeal for the development of reforms , but secretly to defeat those reforms as much as possible . " The maxim of the Cabinet of Berlin was "to depopularise , to combat , to annul , by every secret means , tie constitutionalism of Southern Gen / tony , by inflaming the national vanity of the German people , representing constitutionalism , as the product and means of influence cf a rival nation "
The Government © f Berlin pursued the principle of " supporting in the Diet all the restrictive measures of Austria , while apparently mitigating their form . " Prussia was -to ally herself closely to ifae Austrian Cabinet on sill great questions , but occasionally , to win popularity , she was to affect an act of independence against Austria ; taking care , however , not to repeat those tactics too often , for fear of exciting the susceptibilities of Austria . It was by this dignified jugglery that Prussia obtained for some time a liberal repute . It was by
repeating the same jugglery , on a larger scale , during the Revolution of 1848-49 , that the Government of Berlin contrived to make use of the richer middle class against the people . After having succeeded in f raudulently mutilating even the most moderate constitutionalism , Prussia now takes up the traditional rdte of Austria ; affects the protectorate of ultramontanism , and seeks to re-animate the last relics of the most decrepit feudalism of the Holy German Empire 1 What a fruitful promise for constitutionalism 1
Singular aberration of public opinion , that this Government , which has always striven to "depopularise , to combat , to annihilate constitutionalism , by representing it as the work of foreign influence" —that this same power should still be ^ regarded abroad as the born champion of liberal ideas . At Windsor Castle assuredly these illusions atout the constitutional tendencies of the Prussian Government are not , nor ever have be « n , shared . The promises of a constitution , and of liberty , which Frederick William IV . made sorae years sinc « to Germany—promises apparently supported by the attitude of the English Government , succeeded in detaching from tho democratic movement classes of the population who now bitterly regret their confiding expectations .
To subdue more easily the democratic movement was the sole object of these promises . We entertain a deliberate conviction , founded on the documents before us , that the British Government in taking sides with Prussia , had no design of extending the constitutional rd gime , but simply of obliterating the last traces . of the Revolution . It 18 singular enough that the actfvity of the British Government in the affairs of the Gennan He volution should have escaped detection hitherto . Yet the same policy that now comprises the entente contiule of the Houses of Romanoff , Hapsburg , Hohenzollern , Bourbon , and Coburg , aguinst Turkey , was actively engaged before against the revolutionary peoples . Perhaps if those peoples had not thrown nw-iiy their victory , if the kings had not found treachery successful , the world w « ruld not now have
Talcing advantage of the false notions current in this country about continental constitutionalism , the Government of Great Britain was permitted to let Hungary be ttodden down , Italy betrayed , and to rejoico over tho subjugation of the German revolution . X , ct but th ^ British people institute an inquest on the dynastic intrigues which spread their toils from the Palais d'Hiver to St . James ' s , and tlio continental nations will at once have gained a powerful ally , despotism a terrible foe .
If we study the history of Germany since 1813—not in the works of doctrinaires , who bend all evidence to their theories , but in official documents , we are astonished to have stilljto combat this chimera of a German Constitutionalism fostered under the regis
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riN THIS DTtrAItTMBNT , AS ALL OMSIOM , nO # * T *» JXXWBMB , AW "" AL 1 . OWICI ) AN HXPKKS 8 IOW-, TinB UDITOB WOKMAVlkT 1 * OJJ >» WW SKI . If IlESrONBlBLK KOIl WONK . ]
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PRINCE AtBEWT . ( 7 b the Editor dftht Leader . ) K « tap-t < mty Jan . 18 . Sir , —The following is a brleT statement of circumstances which have come to > my knowledge re * specting tho dismissal of Lord PahnerBtoaia 1851 .
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January 21 , 1854 . ] THE LEASER . ~ j . . ¦ ¦¦ _ -.... ' ¦¦¦ na ¦ _^_ ¦ JrTT
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Leader (1850-1860), Jan. 21, 1854, page 63, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2022/page/15/
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