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THE REFORM BILIi .. The objections to discus-wing any Reform Bill at the oeraiaiencement of a great war have not prevailed -with Loafd John Russell and his colleagues , and perhaps their obstinacy may in part be accounted for , if not justified , by the consideration that tleir Bill is not so much a Reform Bill properly so called , as a Bill for the
partial improvement of our Parliamentary machinery . We still retain the opinion , that it would have been better not to raise a question which could provoke party conflict at a time when national unanimity is desired ; but , as the question has been raised , and Parliament is committed to a discussion of th < e Bill , the practical question is—what will it do Hot the country , or for those national objects which we have most at heart ?
As to any gross quantity of change , any material departure from the class representation , or any large extension of the suffrage , it would do little . The principal enlargement consists in the extension of the ten-pound borough franchise to counties , and in the enactment of a six-pound franchise in boroughs ; the latter , however , accompanied l > y the restrictive condition of a two-yearss and-a-halPa residen . ce . Several new franchises
are created , calculated to give the suffrage to men of education and professional men ; to " the elite of the working classes , " meaning men who reside long in one place ; to men possessing 501 . in sayings or in stock , or those paying a certain amount in taxes , &c . It has been calculated , perhaps too largely , that the total effect will be to add 500 , 000 electors to the present million of electors .
Another effect of the measure is , by giving electors in the larger towns and counties one vote less than the numler of members , to secure a certain representation of large minorities . Upon the whole the measure consists of small corrections or improvements . From its scale it is not calculated to interest the great bod y of the people ; from its nicety of arrangement , it is
calculated to please literary politicians , moderate men honestly trimming "between extremes , and statesmen who regard p olitics in the way that street jugglers regard dinner-plates , as things less for practical use than for adroit balancing , to win public admiration . Great masses are not moved by fractional measures , and the public , or the people , cannot feel any enthusiasm for the Minister ' s plan .
to a single man who is still without it . " We must , therefore , give our vo te to Lord John ' s Bill . We do not accept it as " an instalment , " but -we have no apprehension that in securing the gain , such as it is , which the Bill offers , we shall close the path of further improvement . We must frankly confess that the Bill does give us that which we should be glad to have . However timidly and fastidiously , with pedantic dispositions and doctrinal compromises , it will extend the franchise to an increased number of the workinsr
classes and of educated classes , generally animated by liberal feelings . In some cases , we have no doubt that the extension of the borough franchise will gjfve the majority of a constituency to the working class , and will thus secure a direct representation of thi 3 class . That we consider a positive good in itself . The voice of the working man will be heard by his representative in the House of Commons . But , beyond that , we are convinced that the Measure is likely to place in Parliament an increased number of men who are
favourable to further extensions ; so that instead of being worse off for accepting this small measure , we should be better off if it passed . As to the distinction of Whigs and Tories , whom Parliamentary agents might reckon as likely to lose or gain by the measure , we can only say that we no longer attach the slightest importance to a distinction which scarcely survives anyvrhere but in the hands of professional Parliamentary agents . The franchise is offered , to more Englishmen—that is our reason for accepting Lord John ' s offer .
There is , indeed , no question of enthusiasm . Lord John himself deprecutea it ; endeavours to make people feel -that his measure is not great , is only a step in advance : in short , " Finality John ' would hav « us understand that there is no such thing as finality , but that we must feel our way by degrees . If this Bill were in competition with one to establish a truly national franchise , if even the Bill of the Parliamentary Reform Association were under consideration , with the
view ol its bein ^ speedily carried , we should not hesitate for an mutant in preferring a broad and ainipl « scheme to this elaboration of sli g ht improvements . 15 utthere is no question of that kind before the public ; and we uro induced to ask , whether it would be better for the country that Lord John ' s Bill should pass , or that it should drop ? Now , here we are guided by one fixed principle—we have always been prepared to support uny measure taut wuuld t > ive the franchise
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THE EUSSIANS AT SEA . In all encounters it is half the battle to measure correctly the force of your opponent . There can be no sort of moral objection to the belief that any free-born Englishman is more than a match for three Russian serfs , afloat or ashore , but it seems to us advisable , if not as a matter of prudence , * at least as a condition of eventual glorification , to disabuse the popular British mind " that sits at home at ease" of the notion that a naval war with Russia is to be a mere feu dejoie . Even if the Russians were as they are » of , contemptible antagonists at sea , it would be scarcely worth our while to start with that proposition . For , if it be true that " A vaincre sans pe " ril on triomphe sans gloire , " we shall only be tearing the laurels from the brow of the conquerors by the assumption that British popguns would do all the work required of British broadsides in the Baltic . To prevent miscpneeption , however , and to persuade the more impatient of our readers to accept the following remarks with something like
equanimity , let us liasten to declare our unequivocal conviction , which , we hold no doubt , in common with the mass of our countrymen , that if the Russians will but come out with plenty cfsea room , they will get such a ' categorical explanation , ' as will content the most insatiable of diplomatic bunglers for many a day . One hour of double-shotted conversation , swift , sharp , and decisive , will do more to o"btain a practical solution to the Russian question than all the notes and protocols of all the Conferences of ribands and cordons . But
reconciled at once with , the impulses of honour and the dictates ofprudence . - :.... ' The British and French Admirals -were ordered by their respective Governments to assume command of the Black Sea , and to clear it of Russian ships of war ; to convoy Turkish troops and ammunition , and to intercept the communications of the Russian arsenals . War being still undeclared by the allies of the . Porte against Russia , and the semblance of pacific intent still professed , a British steam-frigate was ordered to convey to the Commander-in-Chief of the Russian
naval forces a polite intimation of the approach of the combined fleets with positive instructions to protect the Turkish territory and flag against aggression . Such an intimation , need we say ? implied a suggestion to the Russian authorities that a sortie from Sebastopol would be considered a challenge , which the allied fleets had no orders to provoke , and no disposition to decline . In short , tie message , conveyed with characteristic gallantry and decision by her Majesty ' s ship Retribution , may be Iriefly interpreted , " Coitie
out if you dare , lie sntag if you will . " For rather more than three weeks our fleets were scouring the Black Sea , executing with strict fidelity their orders , and ready night arid day for-all emergencies . ^ At tie close of . the month the Admirals decided , on consultation , that td remaia any longer , at the vorstf of seasons , dragging we know not how roAny fathoms of chain out in treacherous holding ground and impossible anchorages , or to persist in clawing off ironbound l | eshores in heavy chopping seas , and dense fogs , with
Greeks for pilots ,. and icy tempests for wear and tear , would be simply to play the game ' of the enemy , and to let wind and . weather do the dirty work of the victors of Sinope . * Nothing would satisfy th « Russians letter than to aee our ^ hi ps crippled , if not wrecked on . ttose inhospitable coasts -without firing a shot , so that when the season " opened" and -war had been declared , the finest squadrons that ever sailed frond Spithead and Toulon , should be repairing damages , and refitting in the Turkish , docks . It was easy 1
enough ^ for , our precious ' representativesof vacillation andantrigW , after ten months of iinpotent scribbling , to insult the wise discretion of officers burning for distinction and assured of the sympathy of all Europe in the hpur of conflict .. It was easy- enough for the plenipotentiary quibblers of Pera to disavow brave men , responsible for the safety and efficiency of ships and cre ^ rs , when , no longer hampered by hesitations , ships and crews should be called upon to avenge the treacheries and timidities of diplomatic triflers
For our own part , wa are not afraid to avow that our faith in ambassadors is small indeed , and our faith in admirals not easily disturbed . We' have the authority of practical seamen , who have navigated the Black Sea in . all weavers , in the depth of cruel winters , jfco assert that in withdrawing ^ the sailing-ships at this season the admirals acted with common prudence , and that the active cruising' of haif-a-dtajen p owerful steamers is an ample security for the Ottomans asrainst all the forces that the
Russians are likely to bring out ] this side © f April . If , indeed , the report were confirmed that Russian ships Attacked a post iu the occupation of the Turks during the absence of our fleets , the blame would fall on the admirals , not fbr withdrawing tho sailing-ships , but for relaxing the surveillance exercised by the steam division of the fleets . There is nothing to prevent , while everything commands , tlie ceaseless vigilance of our steamers off the const of the Crimea and of Anatolia . 3 t is , no doubt , a severe and perilous service in these winter months , but we know well
that danger is an invitation , and difficulty an opportunity to our sailors . If any mishap had occurred , we should be disposed to attribute it to that pernicious ambiguity of instructions from home which has so often been our worst obstruction in war . It is to the Baltic , however , to the Gulf of Finland , and to the Gulf of Riga , that we shallha \< e to look for the dcnoCtment of the Russian question
and it h in considering the work cut out for tlie stupendous / loot which will be riding on tie Downs next month that wo revert to our text . We say , then , tliat the Russians are likely to prove ' tough customers ' at sea . Tho first question that occurs to us is , will they come out to meet us ? Will they not rather follow tlie suggestion of Marshal Marmont , a waim friend to Russia , who , in 1834 , discussinor the very
the question is—will they come out , and , if not , how to drag them out—these fleets of firewood almost too green to burn ? We believe it would bo almost as easy to unearth an old fox with a penny whistle , or to draw a badger from a barrel with a lap-dog ( may we be pardoned for the illustration ) , as to drag by force the line-ofbattle ships of the Czar from Cronstadt or Sebastopol , if they decline tho hazard of engagement . With regard to operations in the Black Sea , we may as well state at once , without evasion , that it
has been officially notified to Government that Sebastopol is unattackable bys « a . All the bravado of amateur pugnacity will not convince us that the responsible advice ( founded on direct local investigation ) of officers of special experience can be safely set aside in deference to tlie easy temority of fireside warriors and club critics . Already wo observe with regret tho tendency of factions at home to pass hasty and intemperate
judgment on tha conduct of officers engaged in posts of imminent responsibility on tho field of action abroad . It appears to be forgotten by these churlish and enrping detractors that the very distinction of supreme command is the difficulty and danger attaching to its exercise where exigencies often tho , most discordant , and considerations the most conflicting liavc ut all moments , and under every variety of circumstances , to be
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NOTICES TO CORRE SPONDENTS . The Fourth Article by Mr . James Lo \ re on the Strikes and Lock-out is unavoidably omitted this -week . " Sunday at Bockbro . "—Not beinjj available , was destroyed . W . T . T . —The book has been received . "A True Friend of the People ' s" Letter on the Strikes is in type .
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February 18 , 1854 . ] THE LEADER . l 67
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' . SATURDAY , FEBRUARY 18 , 1854 .
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'Shore is aiothing so revolutionary , oecause there is nothing » o unnatural and convulsive , as the strain to ke « p things fixed wh . en all the world is by the very law of its creation in . eternal progress . —Db . Aairoua
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), Feb. 18, 1854, page 157, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2026/page/13/
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