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tending as I ana—still , by what I hare done , and by what I have been , and by what I am , I certainly am a living protest a gainst Russian encroachment and Austrian despotism . ' ( Vheers . ) And who is Francis Joseph of Austria ? He is the man who holds in his bloody nands oae of the oaartered lirnbs . of Poland . He is the man who betrayed every province of his empire by holding np before their eyes the solemn promise , of a constitution , and then abolishing every letter of it ; be is the man who attacked the laws and existence of Hungary by conspiracy and by arms 3 who spread fire and death and desolation over the land , and called in the forces of a foreign despot to subjugate it . He is the man who . raised scaffolds by
Jranareas , ana unmox&tea upon tnem patriots oy tooosanas . He is the man who murdered Hungary and Italy . ( Loud tkeers . ) Now the world has seen the millions of thepeople of England cheering my bumble self , and cursing Francis Joseph of Austria sometimes—as with the honest draymen oC ^ Barclay an * d Perkins—( cheers and laughter )—there has been eyen sometbing more than a curse ; the world has . seen niayors , and aldermen , and corporations , and delegations , and societies , and whole communities , and the people of England , expressing , in . some 120 addresses , their approbation of my oouraeof resistance to Austrian aggression , and their sympathy for my country ' s wrongs ; biddnog me to be of good cheer * ' and to trust that the day of retribution will come . C € heers . y On the other hand , we have heard'Francis
Joseph praised as a magnanimous ranee , tne young nope of bis country ; ve have heard exalted the noble soundness of the high-spirited ytmnq Emperor ; and we have seen grave men ^ EfoglishiiQen , fawning on him , and courting his favours aiid'amity .-And both ; these things happened in the one and the ; same England . Were it but a difference of individual opinion it would be no matter anyhow . ¦ :. But such is not the case . It is England which , is brought to the point that it must act either in the one or the other of these two opposite directions .. Against the oppressors or against the oppressed a / Jtit must—that ' s certain . ( Cheers . ) JSJow I believe England ' s action must answer England ' s wul . The question therefore is , which , is England ? Is it that which
sympathises with freedom ana with the oppressed , and which execrates despots and oppressors ? Or is it that which is plotting against the resurrection of the oppressed nationalities , and is courting the friendship and tie alliance of the oppressors ? Which of these two be England ? That is not a question for me to decide . But s « much I Jniovr , that the people of England is England . { Cheers , ) Beside the people , X Sncw of . dignitaries , representatives , of magis--trates and servants of England ; but I know of no England else . England—that is the nation . From which . England even h « r Majesty , your Queen , never thought to separate herself . Yes , it is the people which is abiding and immortal ; it is the people which , by its antlike industry , made , in the sweat of its brow , this eountrv
what it is . ( Cheers . ) It is the people whose shillings and pence make up the millions of the treasury of England ; by which England is held np , and England ' s battles fought , and England ' s policy carried out ; and it is the people which furnishes thoso stout arms and brave hearts , who fight England ' s battles by land and bvBea , and who bleed and die for England's honour and England ' s interest . ( Loud cheers . ) If that be the case , then lira of opinion that if the people of England be England , if it be thepeople which has to pay and toohleed , the people ' s voice should be heard , and should be respected in the decision of what is England ' s will . If that be not the cose , then you are no constitutional people ; your constitution is despotism in disguise . Yet , if I be not mistaken , there is , in the declaration of war , something about proclaiming it in conformity with the wionle's will .
Therefore , I say , it is high time for England , it is high time for the world to know , what is the people ' s will about this war . Gentlemen , I hare not the pretension to form your opinion on the subject , bat I am glad to have this opportunity to witness what your opinion is , and to learn , whether I be mistaken or not , about the people ' s intentions . I am led to believe , that , as well as from a natural sympath y for liberty , justice , and right , as also from the instinctive knowledge of the fact that the welfare , interest , and honour of England go all that war . the people did and does not shrink from all the dangers and sacrifices of a great war . by the only reason , because it means to fight for freedom , because it believes that a real advantage to the cause of approved nationalities will be the issue . I am lei to believe it is by thi 3 reason that the war w popular with the people of England . la it so , or is it not s . 0 ? Please animer me . Am I rifcht or am I wrong in my supposition ? { Loud cries of' Tea . ' ) You say Yes , and , upon my soul , a brave yc 8 it was . I tuank you for the word . " J
On the motion of Mr . Wostenholm , seconded by Mr . Harvey , a petition was adopted praying that the war might not be discontinued until Poland is reestablished . The evening meeting in the Music Hall was not so numerously attended , a fact accounted for by the large prices paid for admission , half-a-crown , two shillings , and eighteen pence . Mr . Alderman Solly presided ; and before Kossuth spoke a resolution was agreed to , declaring that the wiser course for England would be to ayoid AuBtria , and take her allies from among the nationalities . M . Kossuth then spoke as follows : —
• I felt it my duty to accept the honour of your invitation , because I thought it due from me to do what I could for Poland . I considered it a solemn duty on my part to bear testimony by my presence of the community of the cause of Poland and that of Hungary ; to bear teatimony by my presence , that I take our cuuso to be the s « me . Nothing else < would have induced me to rise once more before an fcngluli assembly . 1 get u few at the very idea of ^» m ^? . M i » - " but if y ° command ™« , » ir , to subm . t to the habuiul rules of the occasion , then you must give me authority to bo rather free and true than to bo flattering . I wilf apeak calm words , but I will speak of faults in the past a . ul of present < lutie « . Still , I am glad , Blr , to sco that you have carried three resolution ** , without
interference on rny part . What is there remaining for me but to try if I can establish sympathy , and it may be strengthen you in the determination to act energetically and consistently , according to the spirit of those resolutions which yon have carried spontaneously . " Sir , there has been , perhaps , never a political problem the solution of which would be so clearly and completely defined by historical precedents as the Oriental question . In this you will agree with me if you will recollect that the snpremacy of Russia against which , and the independence of Turkey for which , you have taken up arms , is not a question sprung up over-night . It is an old one , remounting to centuries , but especially to the battle which the heroic Charles X £ I . of . Sweden lost at Pultowa , in 1709 ; and to the second fact that the Grand Vizier , Mehemet
Baltddshi , bribed by the blandishments and the diamonds of Catherine , let escape Peter the Czar at Falezi , in 1711 . Sine * that time , there has been a continual concatenation of tlie same drama going on . The partial conquest of Turkey , the subjugation of the independent Tartars of the Crimea , the dismemberment of Poland—Finland torn away from Sweden—Napoleon ' s campaign to Moscow in 1812—the occupation of Moldo-Wallachia in 1848 , and the invasion of Hungary in 1847 , are all acts of the same drama . The history of those events offer such a clear indication of the policy required on the occasion of the present war , that if its monition ba disregarded , we may predict with perfect certainty that jour cause must be unsuccessful and that
your sympathies will be in vain . Gentlemen , in the public life of nations sever anything is accidental . There everything is cause and effect ; and whereas like causes produce like effects , it is only from the practical lessons of history that we may learn what faults we have to avoid , and what means we have to employ , and what course we have to adopt . Now , there are two axioms especiallyjpointed out for the present occasion by the precedents or the great political orama in the East . The first is , that the duty of an act of political morality never caw be neglected with impunitythai every suck neglect is- fraught with the necessity of atoning it , with sacrifices increasing step by step , which , " however , never will remedy the evil , -unless the wrong occasioned b y that neglect be redressed . ( Cheers . ) In politics a fault is equivalent to a crime , and therefore no false
political step can ever escape punishment . The second axiom is , that not every alliance is advantageous ; that sometimes to lave one enemy more 13 the surest way to victory ; and sometimes to have one ally more the most positive way to ruin—that to entangle oneself with an unnatural alliance and to neglect natural ones is equally dangerous . " Allow me to illustrate these assertions by some pertinent facts . From the time that Russia commenced to grow , it became an hereditary maxim of western policy that Turkey is necessary to Europe . But England and France committed the mistake not to comprehend that a free and independent Poland , and a free and independent Hungary , in their turn are indispensable as well for the existence of
Turkey , as also for that higher European aim for which the existence of Turkey is thought to be necessary . ( Cheers . ) Instead of comprehending that truth , they have erred in two things : that the despotic ruler of that anomalous compound called , collectively , Austria , is to act as a barrier against the preponderance of Russia . From that error Austria became the pet of many of England's Ministers and Parliament ; bat not of the people . Of this I myself , my own humble self , am a living testimony . And happily Ministers , whatever be their personal merits , and M . P . 's are passing ; the people remain . ( Cheers . ) The question is , which are right—the people or the Government ? In my opinion , facts are the best criterion of the soundness of a policy . If a certain line of policy had full and free scope to
exert all its efficiency , then , if we see that the proposed aim has been attained , we may say that the policy has been a sound one . Sut when we see that just the contrary has happened , we must judge that the policy was a wrong one . T 3 iat is clear , I think . Now , I ask , did all the fondlings and pettings of Austria prove efficient for the aim of securing the independence and integrity of Turkey , or of cheeking the preponderance of Russia ? No , you are now compelled to go to war for this very purpose . There is the answer . Now , for God's sake don ' t allow your Government to persist in a course which has had such a fair trial , and which has proved so eminently wrong ; nay , which has proved itself subserviont to the growing supremacy of Russia . Right about , gentlemen . Lot your policy turn upon its heels . That would be good
sense . But to persist obstinately in marching in that direction that would be something other . And again , I say , it is a fact that Poland bad to be quartered and the very constitutional existence of Hungary had to be abolished to make that overwhelming preponderance possible . These two unjustifiable crimes have been the stepping-stone to tho growing ascendancy of Russia . If that be a fact , then it is likewise a fact that if Poland would still exist , and if Hungary were free , neither Turkey would be in danger now , nor Russia would be over-powerful . ( Cheers . ) Now , if that be a fact , then liclp Poland and help Hungary to be what they ought to be , and yourpoint is gained . ( Cheers . ) If not , mot . There in no shuffling off tho inexorable logic of events . There is the finger of tho Almighty in it . Turkey alonethe acknowledgment ia due to her perspicuity and good aense—Turkey alone did comprehend that truth both as to
Poland and as to Hungary . As long as the Sublime i ' orlc ¦ was left free to follow its own impulses , there never has been a constitutional and anti-Austrian movement in Hungary which the Turks havo not supported . And us to Poland , so much was Turkey anxious for tho maintenance of tho Polish nationality , that , up to tho partition of Poland , there scarcely wns one treaty concluded between Turkey and Russia whereb y the Turks < lid not stipulato for the independence of tho Polish nation . Look to the third urticle of the treaty of Falezi , to tlxo first article of the first treaty of Constantinople in 171 ' 2 , to tlio twelfth article of tho second treaty of Constantinople of 1720 , and you will aoo what cure Turkey look to have it stipulated that tho Czar never should appropriate to himself anything of the Polish territory , nor in any wiiy interfere with the affairs and govern incut of t ho 1 ' oliali nation , but unite with Turkey for maintaining tho rights und
independence of that republic . ( Cheers . ) This is a memorable fact gentlemen , worthy to be remembered just now when , you ha"ve yet a choice in fixing upon a coarse for the present vra-r . Had this policy always been acted upon consistently and reciprocally . Russia would never ha-ve grown dangerous to the world , nor would Turkey have been in danger now and Europe together with it . Unfortuuxately , both Poland and Turkey departed once from that wise policy . Poland at the time -when the Tnrks , supporting one of the national movements of Hungary , advanced so far as to l > esiege Vienna , in 1683 , then it "was Sobieski , the gallant King of Poland , -who saved the dynasty of Austria in that war . Woe to the memory of that woeful d » y ! On that verv
day the fate of Poland was sealed , and th « basis laid for the decay of Turkey , and for the gr ^ wing ^ Eendancy of Uussia . Had Sobieski then taken the Hungarians and the Turks for allies , instead of allying himself with Austria ^ Poland would be existing , living , free , and independent , and Hungary also would be free , and both , in my opinion , would be Christian not less than now , probably jnore , because ;—I speak these words now upon calm reflection—the crescent has always proved more Christian as respects Christian toleration and freedom of conscience than th& cross in the hands of certain dynasties—( loud cheers )—who call themselves Christians , but whose religion is not the gospel , but despotism . ( Cheers . ) However , "Sobieski , resorting to the unnatural
alliance with Austria against Hungary and Turkey , then deprived Turkey of the strength necessary to make effective her solicitude for the independence of Poland . As to the House of Austria , whose history is but a record of lies and broken oaths , * and violent ingratitude , it rewarded Poland by assisting in the crime of the partition . Turkey also did once depart from that wise policy . It was in our own late struggle in 1848 . Then it not only did not support us , it did not even maintain the neutrality of its territory . It rather allowed the territory of the Turkish provinces to be ' usurped , and the m « ans of transport and provisions to be made subservient to Russian aggression . And look , scarcely five years have passed since , and for that
one fault Turkey has now to atone by a supreme struggle of life and death . Ton may see by these two facts what it is to make unnatural alliances , und what it is to neglect natural allies . Yet ; as no fault in politics ever can escape punishment , England itself is obliged to sbarein the retribution , because in 1848 England also had its share in the fault , if it be not' more than a fault , as you will presently see . The Czar did occupy in 1848 Moldo Wallachia—he did violate the integrity of Turkey—he did trample upon its independence , la a word , he did everything which his , having repeated now again has aroused , alas , even too late , your indignation—into war . Nay , he did more , he carried on war against the very Turkish territory , and yet the English
Government advised Turkey then not to go officially—these are the very words- —not to go into any hostile collision with its stronger neighbours for the maintenance of its neutrality . ( Cheers . ) OJi , I have seen the wisest and the best of Turkish patriots tear their hoary beards in despair , and weep bitter tears over the fatal necessity of having had . to y ield to this advice of England . ( Cheers . ) Had that advice not been given , you would have been spared all the dangers and sacrifices of tlie present war , for on that very day that that advice was given , the present war was born . And yet England did not even stop at that one step of unfortunate impolicy . When the Czar of Eussia had accomplished his ambitious crime of armed interference in Hungary , he did
it by not only advancing one gigantic step in his ambitious career of supremacy over Europe , but especially prepared his present blow by usurping Turkish territory . You remember in what mariner the English Government met that tremendous blow . It declared solemnly , officially , that her Majesty ' s Government did not consider the occasion ,-one that would have called for any formal expression of tie opinion of Great Britain on the subject . Why , the imperious necessity of the present war shows that not for any sympathy for Hungary , but in the interest of England , it would havo been the duty of England to prevent that dangerous encroachment by arms . ( Loud cheers . ) Instead or that they had no opinion to express on the subject . Wliy , in my humble opinion that was a manifest encouragement—it vyas a letter of impunity granted to tho Czar for encroaching upon the liberty and independence of Europe . But ,
gentlemen , you are now wondering , when you hear that the Czar finds somewhat strange and unexpected the affected solicitude of England for what it now calls * the independence of nations . ' Why he has done all these things before . He had done worse things , without having met the opposition of England—nay , naving further the encouraging assurance that England had no opinion to express on the subject . And yet , gentlemen , tho danger , and the present war with it , could have been prevented without any sacrifice on your part- At an early period of our struggle , I sent a government agent to . England to appl y for the mediation of England . England had but to speak thus to Austria— *¦ Wo desire you to settle oil equit able terms your quarrel with Hungary ; we cannot allow tlie neutrality of the Turkish territory to be violated , and its provinces to be usurped by Rusaia , '—and tho question would huvo been settled at once . Austria could not have helpod Yielding , and we , who were cerl »» nly n modest and peaceful people , would havo been th <* i well contented with
keeping our laws such as they w «~ e . And 1 liad even a precedent for my application for H 10 mediation of Eng land . England Iiud already , on u siinilar application from Hungary , in revolution , negotiated pc-aco between my nation iind Austria . It whs in J 711 , inul England ' honour was pledged in guarantee ot tho rights and constitution of Hungary . That has kun done in a mere domostic struggle . Ours in 18-18 , according to the statement of Lord ralmerston . hud tho diameter of , imd tho import and the proportions 01 an important European transaction . And still , do you remember wlmt was tho unuwer of Kng lund ' a Government to my application for tlm mediation of England in our time of need ? Tlio answer wkh , ' her Maijct > ty'a ( Jovernment can receive no communication respecting Hungary only by tho di plomatic organ of his Imperial Mnjeaty tlio l'Jmperc / r of Auhtriuat the court . '— ( Cries o / Shame . ) Thus has been treated by England that Hungary iu whose bat tlm the 1 'rccdoin
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532 THE LEADER . [ . Saturday ,
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Leader (1850-1860), June 10, 1854, page 532, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2042/page/4/
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