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field , " and the *? Staffordshire Potteries ; " there are also new parts of the Art Journal and of Chamberis Edinburgh Journal , the last full of sound matter as usual . The works of old English writers—known too often only by name —are literally pouring from the press . This week Mr . Bohn supplies us with another volume of De Foe , containing Memoirs of a Cavalier , Memoirs of Captain Carleton , and others of less significance . In the new series of British poets , published by Nichojl ( Edinburgh ) , we have the first volume of SiMUEii Butleb ' s works , edited by the Rev . Geoege Giufiu ^ an . INicoiini ' s HUstory of the Jesuits ( Bohn ) we reserve for more extended criticism . A . single word is sufficient to announce a new translation of jStrabo , in Bohn ' s Classical Library . The only other book on our list is "Vihet ' s History of French Literature , in the Eighteenth Century .
Hard Times , collected into one volume , beautifully printed , needs no notice from us beyond the simple announcement of its reproduction in a permanent form . No doubfc the mass of our readers are already familiar with the story as it appeared week by week in Household Words .
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BTTSSIA AUD TURKEY . The Nations of Russia and Turkey , and their Destiny . By Ivan Golovin . Author of The Caucasus . Part II . Trubner and Co . 1 st a sort of Preface to these lively Notes ( for the volume 3 s rather a collection of jottings than a connected and systematic essay ) M , Ivan Golovin Constitutes himself a critic of contemporary writers on Russia . We cannot , asa ^ ule , find time or Space to criticise critics , and we think M . Golovin wduld . have shown better taste and discretion , if he had reserved his strictures on his fellow-writers for at least a separate form of publication , A correction of the many errors into which the political bias of pamphleteers , the" haste of bookmakers , the ignorance of a priori historians , and the imperfect observation of tourists inevitably betrays the mass of writers on the
topic of the day , would in itself be a valuable contribution to the dominant literature ; and 1 VL Golovin has no doubt peculiar qualifications for such a task . But to preface a fcasty and fragmentary production , of his own , which a harsher judgment than ours might pronounce more readable than reliable , a specimen , in short , of the thousand and diie mixtures of anecdote and statistics Tvhich are . daily' supplied by ingenious publishers to an ungenerous public under the general titles of " Books on the . War , " " Russia and Turkey , " &c . : this usurpation , we say , of a double office by our present author is , -we humbly think , deserving a word of reprehension . Having discharged our gall to this extent , we have no difficulty in recommending Bf . Ivan Golovin as a vivacious and original authority on Russian eccentricities , social , political , and administrative . His family name , bis
personal antecedents , and his actual position , are not the least striking illustrations of the system he exposes with a severity to -which the freedom and dignity of exile ,-with all its hardships , preferred to the livery of a splendid servitude with all its wealth and decorations , lend a keener edge than any mere force of rhetoric , or point of epigram can bestow . When the Emperor Nicholas paid a visit to Italy and Sicily some years a go , Count B—— , who had been ambassador from the Sardinian Court to St . Petersburg , at his coronation , had an interview with the imperial tourist . The conversation falling on the' Marquis de Custine ' s "book , the Emperor said , " M . de Custineis a Frenchman : he is free to write what he pleases on Russia ; but ( alluding to M . Golovin ' s work on Russia under Nicholas , ) liere is a man whose brothers I know well as men of honour and
distinction , and he writes in this disgraceful way about his country . " To which sally of temper , our informant adds , the Count B , in the true spirit of a practised courtier , eould only reply , h la Louis XIV ., " Sire , one black sJieep out of sixty millions / " The Emperov , however , if his words are faithfully reported , was incorrect in accusing M . Golovin of abusing his country . On the contrary , although an exile , he never forgets to separate his race and his country from the government he unmasks and the system ho lays bare . The Athenmum only last week saya , almost in a tone of reproach , u Before all things , M . Gplovin is a Russian . " We honour the patriotic courage which refuses to confound an enduring nation with a transient tyranny . M . Golovin has been accused of treating as of no importance the exemption of the Russian nobility from corporal punishment , an exemption which is in effect a real privilege . Our contemporary , whom we have just
quoted on the other hand , seems to blame M . Golovin for noticing this exemption , in reply to a French writer , who had epigrammatically remarked that " all Russians were equal before the stick . " An English writer might ¦ with equal justice and propriety remark that " All Englishmen aro equal before the law . l Old lnarquisea , ' however , do . occasionally escape exposure , and a system , of fines in police-courts operates occasionally ns an exemption from punishment for the rich in cases whore imprisonment would be the penalty of the poor . Landowners , too , in some instances , practically refute this admirable th . eory of equal justice . " When M . Golovin tells us that ho regards it as tt " a misfortune to have been born in tho reign of Nicholas , to have to waste his energies in combating a man who , had Tie not the power to render millions of human beings unhappy would not deserve any attention ;" he spoaka rhetorically , of course ; his rogvet has all the air of real gusto , and the * ' had ho w £ ' is a stroke of irony with a vengeance ! " Had ha not , indeed 1
' M . Golovin , in tho volume we are at present noticing , rambles on in a note-book style over every p hase and brancji of his subject , historical , ethnological , political , administrative , military , artistic , literary , topographical . Much of his information is neceasarily not new , though probably not borrowed , and it is conveyed with n certain pretension of novelty and exclusiveness rather irritating to renders clioked with Ituasia of Into . The best and freshest part of tho book is , after all , tho most apocryphal—wo mean the anecdotes with which every pitgc is agreeably iutcraporsod . Of eomo of these it may bo said , —if not true , they are well invented ; and they are happier , if not more faithful illustrations thun tons of contradictory and squeezable statistics . M . Golovin writes surprimngly good English—clear , vivid , and sometimes oven felicitous . Perhaps tho occasional atrajigenoss of the phrase lends a certain zest and flavour to tho writer ' s always caustic Btylo .
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it is valuable as affording a key to the character of a people extremely susceptible to traditional influences , and attached as much to ancient laws as to ancient liberties . As a specimen , we will present the reader with an extract from the account of the struggle for Hungarian liberty , in the beginning of the eighteenth century , by the patriot Francis Kakoczy . The history is additionally interesting ; , for we cannot but trace a striking analogy between some of its events and those of the last revolution in Hungary ; an analogy which ey en extends in some measure to the heroes of eittier story . The living patriot has evinced the talent , the energy , the devotion , the courage in misfortune , which distinguished his predecessor : we may trust that the similarity between their fates ceases there , and that a brighter future is in store for Kossuth .
HUNGARY AND KOSSUTH . Hungary and Us Revolutions , from the Earliest Period to the Nineteenth Centtiru with n Memoir of Louis Kossuth . By E . O . S . * ' Bo ^ n Hungary and its Revolutions is the title of the volume just published by Mr Bohn in his " Standard Library ; " but by far the larger portion of its pa « -es is dedicated to the most recent of Hungary ' s revolutions ; the chief object of the work being , as the author states , " to give a true and correct relation of the life and character of Louis Kossuth , and especially to point out the principles by which he was guided before and after the revolution of 1848 . " The introductory sketch of Hungarian history is consequently an exceedingly brief one ; but it is well and clearly written ; it is an interesting narrative—not , like most compendiums , a dry record of dates and events and
"As soon as Joseph I . was established on tho throne of Austria lie recalled Heister , and offered the Hungarians an amnesty , -with a promise to redress their grievances . Though the country was still hi a state of too much irritation against the late monarch to be ready to accept terms from his successor , K&kpczy was sincerely desirous of peace . As he could not singly oppose the will of the majority , he summoned a Diet , wKere it was resolved to restore Hungary to its original form of government , a kind of federal union , in which each state or county should continue as heretofore to manage its own local administration , while sending deputies to the general Diet , and all united under one chief , who should bear the title of Duke , as in the days of Arpad . It was with some difficulty that Kakoczy could be persuaded to accept the honour , but as soon as he yielded , he was raised on a shield according to ancient usage , and the prelates ^ magnates , and deputies of the Diet , swore allegiance to him . The proposals of Joseph to negotiate were then accepted , on condition of his resigning the hereditary claim of his family to the throne of Hungary and Transylvania ,
and that it he "was received as their king , he would abandon the- latter country wholly to Rakoczy , and swear to observe the charter of King Andrew . . " These conditions were , however , rejected , and war recommenced in 1707 . The Diet met at Onad , and the deputies from thirty-one out of the iifty counties attended the sitting . Rakoczy again urged them to listen to proposals of peace , which were , however , again refused ; the Hapsburg dynasty was declared to be deposed , and the throne vacant . The Czar of Russia about this time offered to procure the crown of Poland for Rakoczy , but he declined the honour . In 17 Q 8 j Joseph convoked a Diet at Presburg , which was but thinly attended , a n * the time was wholly occupied by religious discussions . General Heister entered Hungary with a large army , and encountered Kakoczy sit Trentsm : in the heat of the battle , the prince was thrown from his horse with so much force as to become insensible , and this accident turned the fortunes of the day ; -when he recovered his facilities all was already lost . Six thousand men lay slain , many captives were taken , and the rest were
dispersed by the Austrians . " The magnates had now begun to weary of the war , which they themselves had continued contrary to the advice of Rakoczy ; but when in 1710 he laid before them the proposals ot peace sent by Joseph , and offered to resign his office , and release them from their oaths of allegiance to him , they steadfastly refused . The plague had broken out on the frontiers of Turkey , and cut off all communication with the strong places there which still declared for the _ Hungarian leader , and the promised succour of his ally , the King of France , did not arrive . Eakoczjr accordingly went to Poland to demand aid , leaving Karolyi in charge of the troops ; but in his absence his general accopted the mediation of England and Holland , and at Szatmar signed a treaty of peace with the emperor . " R&koczy perceiving now that all his hope of establishing the liberties of Hungary on a firmer basis were vain , wrote to Joseph and recommended the unhappy Hungarian people to
his mercy ; then embarking in a vessel at Dantaic , sailed for England , and passed from thence into France . Louis XIV . received him graciously , allowing lain , a handsome pension , and ho was treated with much kindness by his nobles and the ladies who surrounded tho king , who were charmed with his romantic history , and his literary taste . But the frivolity o ( the French court had no attractions for a man whose hopes had keen crushed , and who now wandered an exile from tho country for which lie had vainly sacrificed tho best years of his life . Ho left France for the shores of the Sea of Marmora , ami was there occupied with literary labours until \ m death in 1735 . His memory is ever cherished by Hungary as ono of the last of her patriots , and . the wild music of the I ' akoczy jntirch which then echoed a . nidst her mountains , and was borne by tho winds across her plains , has ft century later been heard again in louder strains , and roused the hearts of her people once more to deeds of heroism . "
Ihe work before us is principally compiled from sources of information already before the public ; but it also contains much that is new regarding the early and purely personal history of Kossuth—if , indeed , a man can be said to have a purely personal history whose whole life has been devoted to the service of his country , and who lias scarcely hud a thought unconnected with public matters since extreme youth . There arc interesting details concerning the conduct of the Fasti JlirUip , or Peslh Journal , of which Kossuth was tho editor from 1841 to 1844 , and which became in his hands so valuable an exponent of Liberal principles . Many of those individuals who look upon Kossuth as a demagogue or gonernl destructive , whose marvellous powers of eloquence only rondcr him tho more dangerous , will probably be surprised to see tho wisdom and moderation with which—while advocating ^ tho cause of tho people , and endeavouring to awaken them to a sense of their dignity nnd of their rights—ho employs that powerful eloquence ) equally to repress injustice and vovolutionary excesses . Tho following h riot tho language of an ambitious demagogue : —
_*"_ Thoso schemes of wisdom nro futilo , ' ha wrote , ' which do not proceed from law , but within tho boundaries of law , wo must listen to tho inspirntiona of Bound reason , nnd wo mny not forgot that under tho shadow of a oonstiLution wliiuh it lias taken centuries to erect , the lives and intorcsta of millions rust , who havo as strong claims on our conftidcnUion and forbearance : ih on our justice . With these views ho was dcs 3 roun thut while claiming a more just construction of tho laws respecting tho tenure of limd , tho interests of tho present proprietors of tho soil should not bo overlooked . ' Ho further exhorted tlioso who , in their / . eul for reform , wore inclinnu towards oxtroino mciiisuro . 1 , to cherish tho remembrance of tho pust . which ainiil . it orrors and Uiu-kuoss , contttJnod jimoli that wns truly grout nnil good , and therefore to respoct tho order of tho nrirftocnioy , which had hithorto played tho cliiof pnrt in tho history of thoir country . Ho binlo tho people follow loaders whoso names wore luinooiaturi with tlio most glorious reeolloctioiiH , wliifo ho at tho mmo tiinn admonished tlioHo to whom a nation turned with confidence at the very sound ofthuir immus , to whom n sphnro of active usefulness wmh opened from their Ih-Ht entrnuoo into lif ' o , which othor nion only i « ttiiii »!< l through ix aeries of long HtnigdoH , Unit : it was their duty to lead tho nation on in the pathway of vtifo-rm . ' Lot thorn but ronouncu their narrow-hoiu'tod , Bullish , unpatriotic viows , let them but foul that to grant to others tlioir ri g hts is no saorilico , but the boot security for their own rights : let them but cany tho wlnto banner of rational i > roflreas crowned with tho greou garland of llopo , along tho
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760 T Kfe LEA JJ .-E-K ,. . L ^ aturday ,
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Leader (1850-1860), Aug. 12, 1854, page 760, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2051/page/16/
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