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the Daily JSTews with a purpose , and calling attention to the circumstances winch render it at this period indispensable to re-form a liberal party . The writer we refer to recommends a meeting of Liberal members in the course of the recess . " We do not overlook and we do not underrate any of the difficulties in the way of such a project . Mr . Bright—otherwise , the
master of the position — - and Lord Dudley Stuart disorganise the Liberal party with respect to the War—Mr . Bright "b y his isolated view that a war against Russia can not be rendered a war for human liberty—Lord Dudley Stuart by his confident crotchet that European nationality cannot get on without Lord Palmerston . Mr . Miall and Mr . T . Chambers disorsranise the Liberal
party with respect to religion- —Mr . Miall by a temperate , but not successful , obtrusion of the Church of England question ; Mr . T . Chambers by a religious persistence , on the Church , of Rome question , in deterring from the English Radicals , who are compelled somewhat to consult English fanaticism ; , the
sympathies of Ireland—^ -a country w ^ hich Has been mismanaged by both sections of the aristocracyj and might how be won by a new Liberal party . But there remains a certain number of distinct subjects upon which there is a practical average agreement , and for which party organisation could with facility be devised . About one hundred members are
always ready to vote for the ballot . If these hundred members were organised into a party , pledged to refuse assistance to any Government which refused to adopt the ballot as the only means of purifying our electoral constitution— -these hundred ; men would soon become two hundred , and the ballot would be carried . We place the ballot first in the Liberal programme , because it-is the Radical point which at the moment stands the best chance . There are at least one hundred
members who would rote for the Hume extension of the suffrage ; and if a party were organised , pledged to vote against any Heform Bill which did not go that far at least , Tve should have no more sham bills . Mr . Hume would say , as lie said last session , when a , sham bill was proposed , that it would be insanity not to take all we could get ; but we apprehend that this species of rueful political philosophy is somewhat dying out . Democrats would say that we should stick to principle , and refuse any reform bill which was not based on universal suffrage . To which
we answer that the Hume extension ( or something very similar ) is the only proposition upon which a party could be organised . The same party winch could maintain these "two questions in Parliament could also act together on reform in India ; nnd on the question of the Irish Church—on ¦ which English Radioal members would be expected to reciprocate the assistance they require from Irish members . Precisely the
same party could carry the abolition of the Church rates ; precisely the same party could carry limited liability in partnership ; procisely tho same party could obtain County [ Financial Boards ; precisely the same party could secure secular education , if not generally , locally—as ia the Snlford Bill ; precisely tho same party could remove tho stamp from ncwspnperH . l 1 innlly , such a party could purify our whole public life nnd our whole administrative machinery .
We bcliovo that if any tiling * i « to bo done in this direction , tho initiative is not ' to bo tnlccn by any member of Parliament , but by a movement of those out-of-door Radicals ol whom we have spoken . Old Parliamentary habits arc great obstacles to the creation of a people ' s party pledged to aland aloof from the Government—to give it ; no votes , nnd , therefore , to ask from it no places—an
independence which at the outset would utterly destroy all the orthodox arrangements . A retrospect of the last session will no doubt have a tendency to drive the " popular members" melancholy mad ; but as yet there is scarcely sufficient political earnestness to allow of a hope of the revolutionary idea being entertained that a people ' s representative is entitled to with old the people ' s money —that ia to say , to refuse supply—until he is satisfied that what he knows to be the
popular demand will be complied with ; in other words , to insist on the Constitution . And we believe the party to which we point would altogether fail of obtaining any strong position in England , unless it were to set out on a full understanding with the Sovereign that this possible " factiousness" would he exercised not towards the Crown , but towards the impure , imbecile , and all-engrossing aristocracy which usurps the national Government , and stands between the monarch and the people , degrading the Crown and deluding tlie country .
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THE UNION , ITS NEIGHBOURS , AND THEIR ANNEXABILIXr . According to' the latest intelligence , the Emperor of Russia is about to sell , to the United States that north-west territory which ' is his , and freely to give the island of Cuba which is not his ; and so far as his intent goes , both stories are equally probable . The eitiaens may answer liiui in O'Connell's phrase , " Thank ye fox * nothing . " If the Yaukees please , ' on nominally annexing the north-western . territory which abuts on Behring ' s Straits , they may present a sum of money to the-. Emperor , who . , wants it badly
enough ; but it could be on no other ground save goodnature . And as to Cuba a the Americans know well enough that with due consideration for existing interests , it is annexed . Cuba essentially belongs to the state which possesses the mouth of the Mississippi ; if there is any state to question that abstx'acfc but self-evident proposition , it is Spain , and Spain alone ; and it does not need the Czar to make or unmake . He has plenty to do elsewhere , without having any duties to perform in surrendering either Cuba or Canada to the Republic .
The fact is that the tenure of all the territories conterminous with the Union depends xipon the condition of the state to which each belongs . The little state of " Mosquitia "—that made-up nuisance which President Pierce has committed the mistake of magnif y into an enemy—will be trodden dou'ix in the march of ono or other of the states near it . Mexico possesses about as good a title to its territory as any people , yut it cannot Iceep tho land—its neighbour's
acquire it m tho good old legitimate way : they como very near , border quarrel a arise , tho two sides fight , and nttho ond tho weaker has to pay the costs of tho actioix—in laud . Much similar litigation is in prospect , ami thus tho Union proceeds with tho gradual annexation of Mexico . Tho process will stop , if at all before tho Mexican territory bo entirely annexed , when tho hind shall bo roducod to Mich proportions as do not oxcoed tho strength- * ef tho Mexicans to keep it .
An to Canada , that ; port ; of America is ohhohtinll y Kelf-ftovcrning ; it ohoosoa its own Hovoruignty , and at preHcnfc if ; profV-vB to remain under tho Riuno Hovoreignty with Groat Britain , by which it Hccurea a greater degree of independence ) than if it were nnnexed to tho Union . This sentiment lma been formally expressed on many occimioiiH ; Mr . llowo , tho chief Minister of the Government of Nova Scotia , and lender of tho local Parliament , has specifically cited tho reawons for
remaining annexed to the monarchy rather than joining the republic , in the gx-eater local independence thus secured , and the incompatibility of temper bctweexx the Republicans axid the descendants of the old U . E . Royalists ; and among other moral effects of tho Avar has been the calling out of attachment to the mother country , distinctly declared by the legislatures of the colonies . The two other states which remain
conterminous with the Union are Russia and Spaiu ; the Russian tenure being at least as bad as the Mexican , if not the Cuban . It is a principle which Americans ai'e not likely to surrender , that monarchical possessions in America shall not be extended : the itusskir territory , therefore , cannot be extended . Bu 1 if not extended , it is geographically as untenable as it is politically . It is a mei-c corner and strip—a barrier keeping back an } power possessing the territory within frou the coast and the strait—it ia the
Constantinople of . that icy and desert X'egion , unbackee by any Ottoman territory behind ; and the power possessing the northern part of-tlw ¦ Continent will be compelled to take the strip , just as Cuba must be taken , and as the Czar wished to take Constantinople . Politically , the Czar has no hold upon any of his ; tex'ritory . ¦ In this country we must . agree in the American principle , that no Government is legitimate save that appointed by the inhabitants of the country : such is the past with our own monarchical republic as lmicl as with the United States : such is not th <
case with any Russian territory , except per haps old Muscovy , whose ancestors olios * their Czar . Russian power falls as soon ai the inhabitants ' . of any ' Russian land kuov themselves . The flaw in the Spanish tenure of Cuba i ; likewise identical with flaws iix the Govern ment . Spain can neither perform her dub to herself , nor to her neighbour . She is nostrong enough to defend her own territory nor to make her own people obey , nor t <
guarantee her own independence during war She cannot , therefore , exhibit one essentia element in tho title of sovereign powerthe conquering sword to make that tith respected by foreigner's . She cannot eompc her own . subjects in the island to behavi properly . She cannot perform the duties o an ally in px * eserving tho portal of tho Mis sissippi against occupation by a foreign euenr of tho Republic which holds the river . Sh is , therefore , not fit to take Cuba .
The American Republic has shown its de siro to give Spain -every trial , every opppi tunity for acquiring tho title to Cuba , if , sh had it not already ; but in vain . Amcric has also evinced her desiro to let Spain wnk the cession peaceably and honourably , re cciving even payment ; and tho example c France , and of Spain herself , in the souther ; part of the Union , may bo advanced to wooth tho dignity of Queen Isabella ' s Govenimcn in elVecting tho sale Espartcro , wo gucKi has the lust enanoo of getting something 1 b Cuba .
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FIRST ATTEMPTS AT MORALITY . Tins great British Public is totally incom potent to deal with the morals of its o \ v life . A . more diimsy-iiHtetl fool limn thn yanio Public it would be inipossiblo lo dit cover in tho round of tho civil incd work Tho to hum niny look dinretinecUul , lmt \ v abide by them on tho score of their unm tigutetl truth . Ijt't uh take two recent in Htnnoce ) . A diwlinguiiihcd member of one of tho . s clubs which exiwt ; on pretext of being rvg monts of soldiers , " cuts" another--send another member of the Bamo club U > Cc ventry . becaiiHO he associates with women c
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778 THE LEADER . [ Saturday ,
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), Aug. 19, 1854, page 778, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2052/page/10/
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