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Untitled Article
ould see it was not -a ^ ereet thing to snake ateft € ** tfer respecting 4 t . Tf tBiilWSPAI'EB *** * ' ' -t . ^ lie fciflefr'fbi ^ tlie seeorfd * eaaiDg of * he ? Nef | fs-Stamp Duties Bill , Mr . Dbedes morecLthat : ond reading be postponed * uatil the . 30 th of The Chancellor-of the Exchequer , he said , mself supplied a sufficient argument , against [ 1 by admitting that it would create a defiof 200 / which must be
in " the revenue , < OQO ., sd by additional taxation . He ( Mr . Deedes ) uvkiced that this is not the fitting time for the tetion of such a measure . He objected to re-« s upon the size of newspapers , and be li eved ie measure would lower the character of . the Glancing at the connexion of the measure te question of national education , he expressed est the cheapening of newspapers should corle morals of the young , and he objected to the
n from the bill of all protection to newspaper pht . However , instead of moving the rejecthe bill ( which he did not do because he had re to throw out the present Government ) , he sd to defer the measure until after the financial
ent . 3 . Bdlwer Lttton agreed that there were in the bill which required alteration , and that rat just to give to newspapers an effective lawright , and to select , for the standard of weight the newspaper which has the largest circula-Ele bore high testimony to the ability and ; y of the newspaper press , and said that the riking example of English civilisation was to id , not in our docks , our railways , or our buildings , but in our newspapers . The chaf the press w > as determined by the character eople ; and , if the American press ( as had eged ) was inferior to our own ( though he smind the House that there is scarcely an
or statesman of eminence who has not contri-; o it ) , the difference must arise from the ity of thepeople . He objected to the principle enny stamp , as implying a'tax'On the expresthought , arid as rendering the establishment papers almost impossible , except to capimd thus throwing the press into the hands of jliques . If the stamp were removed , he [ that a good penny Conservative journal e set up , conducted by avowed writers and jstablished name , and would penetrate to the lasses , where he believed Conservative jourl not yet penetrated . ( This candid admission iived with ironical cheers . ) With respect to
stion of the impetus which would be given to t and blasphemous publications , he observed fligate literature had always corrupted the lasses before the lower . There was no class hole community which showed so little inl for libellous or gossiping publications as king classes . When those Sunday papers to ie Chancellor of the Exchequer referred were ned to profane the Sabbath-day by hebdoibaldry and slander , it was the' clubs and L-rooms— : certajnly _ not the l working ^ . ^ l as _? es rr ? ported them . But those papers wereriow ished by one or two threepenny journals of character . He called the attention of the
0 the fact'that the Spectator of Addison and > vas a penny paper , and that it was extinby the tax that was laid upon it ; and con-1 very capital speech by again enforcing the y for a cheap , unstamped Conservative press . Attorney-General pointed out the perind embarrassing state of the law , which was at it was impossible to enforce it , as the in-3 S granted to some publications had been by others . As to the loss to the revenue , nt , was known beforehand ; and if the House prepared to meet it , i t might reject the bill
But a consideration of 200 , 000 / . should not i the way of a good principle . He doubted the great newspapers would be more exposed y than now ; but if they were , it would be the Parliament to make the law more stringent . iancis Baiung agreed with Mr . Deedes in * , that such a question should not be brought e the introduction of the Budget , and denied s penny was a tax at all , it being in fact an nt for postal facilities . —Mr . Packe supthe proposition for postponing the second of the bill . —Mr . Mi all and Mr . Duff y
i-favour of the measure ; and Air . Diiummond L in some of his usual eccentric remarks , forth much contempt against thopfGee in and the Times in particular . He ( Said that b , instead of being the greatest glorj' , wnsono rentest curses of the country . A newspaper tiero commercial speculation—a gossip-shop . Walters ( of the Times ') set up a manufactory > , and hired for their chief man some barrister i years' standing . Ho could recollect several of the Times—Mr . Tucker , Mr . Barnes , Mr . Mr . Stirling , Mr . Delane , Mr . Morris , Mr . nd Mr . Dasont . These persons were "what lied on board ship "Jwndy billies , " always hen wanted . They might bo honest
individually , bat < they were Oftbrrupt * seollectively . -The grew , to fee \ w * s lifceHttus toxOL Snconsisterit ; finid people worshipped it ohlyliecattse they were afraid of it . The CHAKt | Eii . d « < W * He Exc » equer € M not deny that the loss 6 f 260 , 00 G / .- a year was a fcnaterial circumstance ftJr the ' consideration >; of the Hottse . Nevertheless , in . his financial ^ fcatertieiat , allowance would be made' for the loss , and the Government would on their responsibility propose such a scheme of finance as would provide amply for the - " ... _ . ^ ^^^
expenditure of the year , inc l uding this sacrifice . 200 , 000 / . was the estimate made by-the Post-office authorities , not on very certain > 4 dia , arid it dM not include a contingent increase -df the paper < luty . With respect to a cheap book-pOst , having conferred with the Postmaster-General , he was prepared to state that the Government would , if thw bill passed , reduce * he book postage to a lower * ate , wilich would give greater facilities for the'transport of printed matter and considerably augment the revenue . He hoped the House would not adopt the dilatory motion of Mr . Deedes .
Mr . Disraeli contended that the House should not repeal the tax until the substitute was known ; in answer to whieh , Lord PalMerston said that the law must at once be either repealed or strengthened ) for that it was a scandal for a law to exi ^ t which could not be enforced . As to the latter alternative , he was sure the House would not consent to it .- ^ - Upon a division , the numbers were—For the second reading , 215 ; against , 161 ; majority , 54 . The bill was accordingly read a second time , and ordered to be committed on Monday , the 23 rd of April .
CIVIC SERVICE ESTIMATES . The House -then went into Committee of Supply , and agreed to several Civil Service Estimates . The Criminal Justice Bill , which had been brought down from the . Lords , was read a second time . In the House of Lords , on Tuesday , the Militia ( Ireland ) Bill was read a second time ; and , some other routine business having been transacted , the House adjourned . In the House of Commons , in reply to a question from Mr . French , Mr . Roebuck said he hoped the Sebastopol Committee would be able to conclude its labours very shortly after Easter .
MILITIA REGULATIONS . Lord Palmerston , in answer to "Viscount Chelsea , stated that , in consequence of an expectation held out by the Duke of Newcastle—that militiamen wouldT not be required to serve longer than fifty-six days in the year—it was intended to issue a circular giving to those men who enlisted previous to the act of last session , the option to re-enlist , or to go home after they have served the fifty-six days .
RECONSTITCTION OF POLAND . Mr . Phinn moved , " That an humble address be presented to her Majesty , praying that she w ill be graciously pleased to command that , in . the event of negotiations being commenced with a view to peace , her Majesty ' s envoys should use their best exertions for the reconstitution of the kingdom of Poland within its ^ ancient limits , as a "measure justand necessary in itself , in accordance with the ancient policy of this country , and as absolutely essential to the due maintenance of the balance of power in Europe . " In answer to the objection that the object in view was purely Quixotic and Utopian , he appealed to the numerous petitions which have been presented upon the subject , and to the declaration recently made by the First Minister of the Crown ,
that he considered Poland in the hands of Russia , a standing menace to Germany . The question , therefore , was one of great practical utility . He denied , also , that the question was too delicate for discussion in that House . The object of the present war should be something more than the defeat of mere temporary aggression ; it ought to afford guarantees for the future independence of Europe . The policy of Russia had always been to aggrandise itself at the expense of Poland , to form alliances with the smaller states of Germany , and , by acquiring a footing in that country , to destroy the unity of action among the various States composing that great aggregate which might be called the oentre of gravity of Europe . Mr . Phinn assorted that the policy of Austria had always been opposed to the partition of Poland .
u Maria Theresa , the Empress Queen , had Htatcd to M . do Brotcuil , the French Ambassador at the Court of Vienna— ' I have brought a great stain on my reign by all that lias como of this afluir with Poland ; but I assure you that I should be pardoned were the extent of my repugnance to it known , and how much circumstances have Ainitcd to force my principles as well na my resolutions against all extreme views of the unjust ambition of Russia and Prussia . Finding no other means of opposing myself alone to tho plan of these two Powers , I believed that , in exercising on my part exorbitant demands and pretensions , they would rofuso mo and broak off tho negotiation ; but my surprise and grief wore e «! tremo , fln reeoivtng , fti reply to thcao demands , tho entire consent of tho King of Prussia anil tho Czar . Kover hflVo I been bo distressed ; and I must do justice
to M . de Kaunitz for his great trouble at thSs'tflite . Wb had 'always strongly opposed this Crael - « rra « getad * fc It thus appeared , that , within a Short time fcf theTpaM 1 - tion of Poland , Austria perceived the mfe « akfe whkfeiBhe had made . At the second partition she received no territory at all , and at the third a comparatively small portion . During the Vienna Congress in 1814 , ^ Pfince Metternich wrote : — ' Of 'all ' the questions to "be 4 Bs-. enssed at this Congress , the king would , vmAonht&i ! S y consider the affair of Poland as incomparably -the tacit important to the interests of Europe , if there be 'iMfr chance that this nation , so worthy of regafrd by 'tts antiquity , its valour , its misfortunes , ' and the services Sfc fcas formerly Tendered to Europe , -mightf-be ifeitbrea Vo ^^ ^^ ^^^ v A * _^ B . J 4 A ' ¦ am-- V ^ . M -m \^ m l & > amr ^^ m ^ 1 J . ¦ --Jm \ m wl ^ '
complete independence . The partition , which dfestroyro its existence as a nation , was the prelude to—in sdine sense the cause of—the subsequent cdmmotions-fo whMh , Europe was exposed . ' , when he was told that ne endangered the Austrian alliance by bringing this subject before the House , he would call upon them totemember the declarations made by the 'Government off that country . The Austrian plenipotentiaries , speaking in ^ Jhe jtatme of the Emperor , after Russ'ia i had determined txrkeep liter hold upon the Duchy of Warsaw , Said :=-' The conduct of the Austrian Emperor can have leftno l &onWtin the mind-of the allied Powers , that'the re-establisTuiieritof Poland -as an independent State , with "a national administration of its own , would . Have ' fully
accomplished the" wishes of his Imperial Majesty ; rind that he -would even nttve been willing to ' make iBe greatest sacrifice f 6 promote the ^ restp * atibn of tlttit ancient and beneficial arrangement . This fact / must iie sufficient to ' Tftiow that "the fcmperor is very far ' fttfio entertaining any jealousy or anxiety as to the interference of the Polish tiatidn -with this Empire . AtistHa has never'Consiaered'ffee ' and independent Poland as tta inimical or rival Power ; and the prinfciples on " wliich his illustrious predecessors acted , and which guided his Imperial Majesty himself until the partition in 1773 "arid 1797 , were abandoned only under the pressure of circumstances which the Sovereigns of Austria had it not in their power to control . ' "
Mr . Phinn also mentioned a circular , addressed , after the revolt of 1831 , to the agents of the Austrian Government at the various courts of Europe , expressing ^ though somewhat ambiguously , a desire for securing to Poland a complete independence . That was the policy of Austria . England , on the other hand , had always followed a policy extremely unworthy of "so great a nation . George III ., even in answer to the pathetic supplications of the King of Poland , had refused to interfere ; but it was not generally known that Lord Castlereagh , in a confidential correspondence with the former Emperor Alexander , had- insisted on the justice of restoring the whole kingdom of Poland . Napoleon the First was
desirous of the same event ; so was the Vienna Congress of 1814 ; and so was Louis Philippe , who stated to the Chamber that he had endeavoured , by the offer of his mediation , to assure to Poland " that nationality which resisted all times and changes , " to which the Chamber replied that they rejoiced to hear the assurance " that the nationality of Poland sliall not perish . " Louis Philippe had sent Count Walewski ; himself of Polish-origin ; to this country ; to appeal to Lord Palmerston , then at the head of the Foreign Office ; but his l ordship had refused to interfere , on the ground that Russia was then a friendly power . As to Prussia , though she had alwaj T s been distinguished by a slavish submission to the wi ll of Russia , he thought even she would
find it to her interest to aid in the reconstruction of Poland . The present position of Russia with regard to Poland was a menace to England and France , just as much as her maintenance of Sebastopol and her ascendancy over the Black Sea was a menace to tho rest of Europe . Mr . Phinn likewise expressed himself in favour of assisting the Circassians as well as the Poles , and concluded by stating that he thought Lord Palmerston the fittest man for effecting these objects . —The motion was seconded by Mr . Scholkfield , supported by Mr . Milnbb , and opposed by Lord R . Cecil , who did not think the reconstitution of Poland necessary , and observed that England herself oppressed many nationalities , and was now at war on behalf of a power which was
a great sinner in tho same way . Lord Palmerstok , in answer to tho last speaker , denied that there was any real comparison between our conquests and tho partition of Toland . With regard to tho motion , although ho admitted tho right of tho Ilouso to discuss such questions , ho thought it was not advisablo that it should dictate to tho Executivo Government the course it should pursue with reference to the negotiations for peaoo Those negotiations « ro on tho basis of } ho « lour Points , " and Poland is not one of the Points . The House should be very cautious in adopting : such ft
motion as that before it , for , if tho address were carried to the Throne , tho Government would bo forced to enter into war to effect tho object contemplated . Ho oven deprecated tho taking of a division on the motion , since tho meaning might be misconstrued ; for , if the HouBo should negative the ^ notwn , on tho grounds ho had Btatcd , that negative might > o understood as implying differences of opinion on
Untitled Article
^ bOhS ! , 1855 . 1 ¦¦ gmB-- -IiqB-ABE . B , ; . • ¦ : : ^ ,, _ \ - '¦ lj-l . - - ¦
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), March 31, 1855, page 291, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2084/page/3/
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