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answer received to the Important communication which he addresued to the > King of Naples ? My noble friend shows n » 8 ign . ( A laugh . - ) Then I snail ask him to lay ott the- table of the Hoase a copy of the answer ; that we may have an opportunity of judging whether the infocmationi I have received be correct . ( Hear . ) There is no country in th » world T I should say , more open to the power of England than , the King of Naples . If the kingdom of Naples sets our power and authority at defiance , wha * i 3 the interpretation which I put upon that conduct ? It is thi 3 : —that they feel there is some lukewarmness , some backwardness , on our part to cooperate in extreme measures for the purpose of obtaining
the object which we have in view ; and ) they think further that we should not like to adopt measures which might give rise to conflict with Austria . We threaten the Government of Naples . We say , ' Your conduct is atrocious , is infamous ^ we require you to change it . They refuse to change it . If we do nothing , what becomes of the prestige of England ? " ( Hear , hear . ) Having passed a high eulogium on the constitutional state , Sardinia , which Austria is doing her utmost to crush , and -which we ought to do our utmost to support , his Lordship proceeded to show that tlie great majority of the Italian people are moderate in their views , and do not wish to chancre the limits of the several
Governments . Bat they demand a fair and impartial administration ofi justice , and a firm , intelligent , and honest method of conducting their civil affairs . Give them that , and he believed the great majority of the people of Italy would be content . When the French code was introduced into the Legations , with a firm administration of civil affairs , the people became happy , wealthy , and prosperous ; and- that period is looked to as one of the happiest in their history . He would earnestly advise the people not to seek to disturb the boundaries of the several states . There was but one way of achieving their independence ^ and that was through the cordial union and co-operation of France and England .
The Earl of Clarkxdost said it had been his disagreeable duty , in the course of the last two or three years , to meet with official reserve the statements of Lord . Lyndhurst . Under those circumstances , he never rose without a keen sense of the delicacy and difficulty of the task . He was then particularly conscious of that feeling , because of the considerable degree of truth contained in what had fallen from the noble and learned lord . The papers asked for it would be necessary to refuse , because they were still incomplete , and he could conceive nothing more calculated to injure the Italian clause than to produce them in their present state . There were undoubtedly many flagrant abuses in the various
Italian states , and these very likely had , to a certain extent , depraved and corrupted society in . the peninsula ; but the evil 1 could not be r « mfldied by force . It could only be removed by the governing powers , with whom we must endeavour to come to an understanding ; and not by exterior pressure . " I am most rejoiced , " said his LordsbipT " to hear the advice given by my noble and learned , friend , that revolutions , however successful they may be , will not lay the foundation of a substantial Government . ( Hear , hear . ) It is our earnest hope that the people of Italy have profited too much by experience not to roaort to means the result of which would
infallibly render their position worse . ( Hear , / tear . ) Nothing has been done by this Government to promote or excite revolution . We think that it would bo most improper to excite expectations that cannot be carried out ; or rather , I should say , expectations that wo are not prepared ourselves to realize . ( Hear , hear . ) If we excite expectations on the part of the people of Italy—if we leave them to expect assistance from us—I say that we arc bound to give it to them , (/ fear , / tear . ) Though I am prepared to admit that there are eases in which this intervention , in the affairs of other nations not only conifers a right , but imposes an obligation—an obligation which I hold as binding—yet I regard it as a general rule that intervention in the . internal affairs of other
States is not justifiable , and can only be resorted to upon the clearest grounds , and us a last resort . " The introduction of the Itulian question at the Conferences he conceived to bo justifiable and proper ; nnd the fact of the initiative having been taken by the French Minister for Foreign Affairs was a sufficient proof that the French Government desired the withdrawal of ita troopa from Rome . " I vi . sh 1 could say , " continued Lord Clarendon , " that the result of our communications with the King of Naples is satisfactory . I cannot do so ; for it is impossible that any two Governments can bo more com-, ' : plctely at variance , in respect of the facta , than her \ Majesty ' s Government and that of tho King of Naples . i Our representations wcro made to him in tho most friendl irit stated for
\ y sp . Wo our reasons believing i that tho oxisting state of things wn . s dangerous to tho ! stability of his throne , and also injurious to tho peace of Europe . Wo pointed out what were the dangers which threatened his Majesty ; and wo more especially indicated tho necessity of a bettor administration , of justice . As my noblo and learned friond has nuggoHted , her Majesty ' s Government especially adverted to what is a point of great difliculty , and that in tho administration of justice ; they recommended a gonnral amnesty , and , above all , that all persons , boing rollavcd from a wtato of Bystomatio distrust and unjust prosecution , should , irrespective ! of thoir political opinion , have Hccurity for their persona and property . I think that bolder
reprcHontutions than were made by her Majesty ' s G&rernment , -with . respect to tha existing state of tMngs > cowl * 'Hardly have been addressed to any Government . ( Sear , hear . ) Jfc is true that her Majesty ' s Government lost week- received the answer of the Neapolitan Government '; but we have not yet determined on what reply to make , because we have conferred with , the' Government of France , and that Government—I hope I shall not subject it to the censure of my noble and learned friend by telling , him . that the . Emperor is absent—( laughter )—that Government hasas yet returned no opinion on the subject . I am afraid that , until we have communicated with the French . Government , and determined what course we are to pursue , I cannot lay the Neapolitan note oil your lordships ' table . I will confine myself to saying , that no answer could be less satisfactory or less indicative of future
improvement . ( Loud cries of " Hear , hear . " ) But the question-of reform in the Pontifical States , and the withrdrawal of the army from those States , has been in the course of consideration with the allied Powers , and has been discussed in a manner and a s |) irit suitable to the subject ; and , although my noble and learned friend may think me credulous in saying so , yet I . believe that the Austrian Government does desire to withdraw its troops from those States . I believe that the Emperor of the French also desires to withdraw his troops from Rome , and that that desire , so far from . encountering opposition , is shared and approved of by the Papal Government . ( Hear , hear . ) If , then T it be true that such a desire is sincere on the part of the other Governments concerned , I cannot believe that much time will elapse before measures are taken to accomplish the object desiderated . "
Lord Clanricakde regarded it as quite clear that the King of Naples had treated with contumely and contempt the recommendations of her Majesty ' s Government . He thought the correspondence should be produced , as a means of bringing the light and force of public opinion to bear on the dispute . —The Marquis of LANfflBowirar did not despair of seeing the existing difficulty surmounted by the application of moral force ; but , if that failed , he trusted that the united military power of France and England ¦ would be firmly and vigorously applied towards a useful result :
The subject then dropped , as far as the Lords were concerned ; but in the House of Cojotous the question was fully discussed , on the motion : of Lord Jons Russell for copies or extracts of any recent communications between 1 the English Government , and the Governments of Austria , Rome , and Naples . His lordship said he had no desire to censure any part of the conduct of Ministers , nor -would he press his motion if a compliance with it would be productive of any public inconvenience . But he wished to know whether any satisfactory answers had been made to the representations of this country and of France , or , in the event of no satisfactory replyhaving been received ^ what were the future intentions of Government . Following a train of argument similar to
time- very Kttfe kntrwn- to us ) , and' also despatcheda : expedition to take a fortress upon its snores ! Is an sareii effort necessary to accomplish oxer present- object JfotMug of' the sort . I cannot fora moment tMnk tlia if Great Britain and Francededared'they could no longfi permit' the Austrian occupation ' , that occupation wool be continued 5 . I do rrot believe that such a decforatia ¦ would lead to tie slightest danger of war . Italy is ac eessible at all points : Great Britain and France , witi the goodwill and hearty concurrence of the whole Italia people , would surely * be more than a match for any fore that the Emperor of Austria could bring s against them ( Hear r hear . ) Well , then , you may ^ depend upon : it thai the-Austrian Government would yield at once" to such i
determination . ' If , after the declarations" at Paris nothing but paper representations were made ,. he apprehended that England would lose all claim to the confidence of the Italian people ; but , at all risks , Sardinia must be- supported . The hopes of Italy had : been , described by Lord Byron as the very " poetry of politics ;" and so they are ; but they also include a most important practical question . He could not believe that . France was reluctant to support and follow up her own suggestions at the Conferences . When he ( Lord John Russell } , many years age , had an interview with the first
UTapoleon-at Elba , he -was told by that great man that the cause of Austrian unpopularity among the Italians was not because the latter -were governed by the sword , but because they ivere ruled by the " stick . " That is equally the case now ; and , considering aTl the facts of the question , he thought'that Parliament , before it separates , ought to have from Ministers some declaration of the one kind or the other—either that they are not prepared to carry any further their interference in the affairs of Italy , or that , using whatever means they deem best , they mean to attain the independence of the Italian States .
Lord Palmetcstost was not surprised that Lord John EusselT should have regarded it as his duty to bring these interesting matters before the notice of Parliament before the close of the session . The occupation of the Roman States had attracted the attention of the Plenipotentiaries at the Conferences , and the Emperor of the French had expressed his desire that that occupation should cease , if the consent of Austria could be obtained" ; bat the representative of Austria said he had no instructions on the subject , and could hold out no hopes .. With respect to Lord John RusselFs desire to know what steps the Government proposes to take , he ( Lord Palinerston ) must decline ; now that negotiations are going on , to give any precise information " . He would say , however , that
he did not abandon hope . It was not an occasional disappointment' that -would induce him to desist from his endeavours : He could not bring himself to believe- that a Government like that of the P 6 pe—at the bead of which is a man of whose benevolent intentions and enlightened ideas the past has given us sufficient proofswould not be able so to conduct public affairs as to romovry the causes of violence which alone produce convulsions in nations . When the Pope returned to his dominions in 1849 , be issued what is . technically called a motu proprio , in which he announced his intention of establishing institutions based on popular election ; and , had that scheme been carried out , it is probable that contenument would have resulted , and th «
that pursued by Lord Lyndhurst in the other House , Lord John remarked that , if the governments of Italy were good , there could be no need of foreign troops ; if those governments were bad , and continued so for seven years ' , what prospect was there of voluntary reform ? The occupation by foreign troops of a state for the purpose of restoring order is a modern practice , and in every instance it has been represented to be temporary . On former occasions , the time of duration , had been fixed beforehand by treaty ; and he believed it had : never lasted for so long as seven , and eight years . The
declaration , on the part of the despotic Governments , that they cannot part with' tho troopa because of their fear that the people will rise , increases the evil , which thus propagates itself , and gains strength by its' very indulgence . " I cannot but think that if France and England , holding the * position they do in' Europe , should go to a conference of European Powers , declare that tho Roman . States are- misgoverned , and point out a way in which that misgxrvernraent can be remedied- *—that if they should denounce the King of the 1 Two Sicilies as a monarch whose rulo is so intolerable that even that general international law which forbids others to interfere
interference of foreign , troops would have been unnecessary . Such mightperhaps even now be the case if the provisions of the motu proprio were adopted . The cessation of the present foreign occupation of the peninsula , and- tb . e prevention" of any future occupation , are undoubtedly matters of great European interest and importance . As respects ! Naple 3 , he was sorry that the representations of England and Franco to the King of the Two * Sicilies as to the condition of that country had not been attended with any beneficial result . This was to be- lamented , for , if disturbances broke out in tho Neapolitan territories , the King would naturally apply to Austria for assistance , and complications would thence arise which would endanger the peace of Europe . This
in the internal affairs of foreign nations must bo suspended against him—and yet in the end should allow tho Austrian Government to treat them with haughty disdain , the Pope with positivo denial , and tho King , of Naples with taunts and defiance , they Avould be humbled even to the dust . I mu now putting tho caao that it was wise and right to go to ( he Conference of Paris with these statements . I -was myself an earnest advocate for tho treaty with the King of Sardinia . Say , if the House chooses to say , that tho whole of this policy has been wrong , that her Majesty ' s Government , and those who support such a policy , havo advised a rash and undue interference in tho affairs of Italy . That I can well
was of itself a just reason for France and England using their best offices to prevent such an occurrence . Thw government of Naples might have looked with somo suspicion at advice tendered by England and Franco alone ; but he did not despair of advice reaching Naples from other quarters -which might produce effects denied to tho representations of England and France . It -was one of the ill-effects of tho calumnies circulated as to the intentions of those Powers that they provented tho operation of sound and salutary counsel . With regard to ^ Naples , therefore , as well as to Rome , lie did not
despair ( a laugh J ) -om the Opposition benches ) ; but ho must bo excused for not going further . Ho fully agreed , however ; with Lord John Russell , that France and Eng * land are bound in honour to support Sardinia from any unjust attack , supposing such to bo made on . her . The King of that country ho felt was too wise to give any provocation ; and ho wa . s satisfied Chat the knowledge of the ties existing between England and Franco , on th « one hand , and Sardinia on tho other .,, would of thornsolves bo sufficient to protect tho latter power from any serious assault .
understand . Go back , then , in your policy , and assume a totally different attitude . But what I cannot undorstand is , that you Hhould maintain the same opinions , and yet that you should not execute that which you . said it was necessnry to do for tho security of F . irropo and tho good of Italy . ( Hear , hear . ) Thoro are questions , and questions of great difliculty , which won hi ariso in tho pursuit of tho policy upon wliich wo have set out ; but recollect that tho Government of this country but a short time ago—a Government to which I had tho honour to belong—tho very pacific Oovernmont of Lord Abardoon—sent a need to Constantinople , and ordered it o take tho command of the Blnclc Sea ( a aea at that
Mr . DrsnAitxr contrasted" tho declarations made at Pnri 3 with tho feeble results that had ensued , and waa of opinion that hopes ought not to havo been excited if tlrore waa to have been no practical dcvulopment of tho abstract theories put forth . Indeed " , in any case , Ii «
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B 1 Juiy I 9 > 1856 ] T / g B I * E A D E > . Gfh
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Leader (1850-1860), July 19, 1856, page 675, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2150/page/3/
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