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what a fine , elastic paraphrase for * whoever , displeases the Emperor !'—is to be punished with from one month ' s to two years ' imprisonment ; and all illegal manufacture of explosive machines is to be visited with an extra imprisonment of from six months to five years . These measures may be necessary to ensure
the safety of the Empire , though they afford a singular commentary on the boasted unanimity of the French nation . In politics , except when some Asiatic madman is in the iCase , compression is always pretty nearly adapted to the resistance . What we wish to draw special attention to at present is the fifth article of the Project of Law : — " Whoever las been condemned for one of the
offences foreseen by the present law may , as -a measure of public safety , be ordered away to one of the departments of the Empire or to Algeria , or be expelled from the French terrLL ry . " Now , it is well known that neither Piedmont nor Belgium can at present dare to receive new fugitives , so that ' expelled from the French territory' means here simply ' banished to England '—the only country sufficiently near at hand ; for America , equally hospitable , seems an immeasurable distance off to those home-sick anarchists who forget themselves so far now and then as to express contempt for the Imperial Government . But this is not all : ' The same measures of
general safety may be applied to individuals who may be condemned' for crimes specified in about thirty articles of the Penal Code , in six articles of the law of 1834 j , in the law of the 7 th of June , 1848 , and in the first and second articles of the law of July , 1849 . And , as if this were not sufficient , it is proposed to give the Government power to ' expel from the territory' at its good pleasure all individuals who have been condemned , sent away from Paris , expelled or transported ever since May , 1848 , whether they have been pardoned or not , for any political offence . Thus thousands of cicatrized wounds are
reopened ; and the French Government publicly announces its incapacity to deal with its malcontents , and threatens to hand them , over to our keeping . If wo were convinced of the immorality of these unfortunate victims of civil strife , we might exclaim , " Keep your rogues to yourselves ; " but we know to what classes the menaced individuals belong , and we are ready to receive them . But we are not ready to undertake the task which the French police gives up in despair ; and if exiles grow melancholy-mad here , and talk wildly in their homesick dreams , we shall certainly decline to subject them to fresh persecution .
We must not forget the occasion on which these measures of extraordinary violence are taken . An attempt is made on the life of the 3 S . mp . eror by Bome half-dozen maniacs , of foreign origin , and apparently without any relations whatever with parties , or chiefs of parties , in France , or with the political exiles from that country who enjoy our hospitality * At once the cry is raised , that this is a Republican , or anarchical , movement ; and it is . implied that the guilty persons were desirous of establishing a new form of government . "We do not see that there is
the slightest proof , or even probability , of this . The object of Obsini and his com-They hold the Emperor responsible for the defeat of liberty in Italy and the re-establishment of the Popjej ; and their ill-regulated minds easily entertain ideas of vengeance . Their success would , no doubt , have led to a revolution ; but so would the falling of a tile on the Emperor ' s head . Now , if a tile were to fall -without taking effect , it would seem unreasonable to pnss repressive laws against the powerful and , enlightened party which is
inimical to despotism in France . It is equally unreasonable . to draw up proscription lists on account of this Italian outrage . Now , the truth is , that the attempt of the 14 th was merely an accident , an unexpected episode , in the struggle which for some twelve months has been breathlessly carried on between authority and reviving public spirit in France . Ever since the last elections it has become evident that , whatever the majority may think , the enlightened middle classes are weary with the present
regime—weary , but not all to the same degree indignant . We have from time to time noticed the discussions that have taken place on the question of abstention from voting , on taking the oaths , on the chances of a constitutional opposition , and so forth . The result has been a very wide-spread desire on the part of the new generation to take part in the political life of the country , whilst a considerable portion still follows the old practised leaders , who will not hear of anything like concession , and who believe the end of the regime to be too near to make it
worth while to consent to any compromise . We should rather , perhaps , use the past tense ; and say that this was the situation of men ' s minds before the attempted assassination , and that the Emperor was perfectly aware of it . The repressive laws now under discussion are meant , therefore , as an answer to this dangerous working of public opinion . It is hoped that the circumstances under which they come out will influence the thoughtless , and make them confound in their fear and hatred the high-minded members of the Opposition with the frantic Italians who are now waiting their trial .
The Emperor seems to be right in one thing , namely , in disbelieving all that clever men have said about the sincere desire of a portion of the Opposition to reconcile itself with him if he will give something like liberty . ' The Opposition is not one of detail , but fundamental ; and M . Henon , who takes the oath , is no more a Bonapartist than M . Cabnot , who refuses it . But the great fact which now disturbs Imperial quiet is the
reconciliation which is being effected between various fractions of the Opposition . The result which we have more than once predicted has , it seems , been brought about in part . Some few stern old party men may remain aloof and persist in cherishing hopes which have been fifty times disappointed ; but the mass of liberal France is becoming less absolute in its requirements . We believe that had General - Cavaignao lived , and the tile before alluded to fallen with
fatal effect , a vast number of constitutional monarchists would have rallied to a moderate Bepublic . The tide now seems to have turned the other way . A Restoration is certainly a plan likely to be of easier reception with the masses of the folks , ' who have a stake in the country , ' than a virtuous dictatorship or a new Constituent Assembly . A very large proportion of the Bepublicans now take this view ; and it is notorious , that although nothing like a conspiracy has existed , the public mind has been looking in that direction .
This is a great step . There is a possible answer now to the trite question , " If the Empire fall , what will youjput in its place ?" When we eoe i \\ e"Spectateur strH 6 lt ~ bytlro same decree as the lievue do JParis , and Orleanist and [ Republican journals persecuted simultaneously all over the country ; when we see the man Ghanieb db Oassaonao employed to provoke the Journal des Ddbats into a discussion which would have inevitably led to its suppression , we ore naturally piizzled at first ; but this is the explanation of the matter : —There has ceaeed to bo any
real hostility between the great parties who struggled of yore for supremacy , and were surprised and defeated conjointly by an irruption of barbarism and brutality—the existence of which they had forgotten . The Emperor chooses to recognize the fact , and declares he will crush the rebellion of good sense and human dignity . He has determined to take the bull by the horns , and he may succeed . Six hundred thousand bayonets are a powerful support ; and we should not be surprised , and exclaim against the fallacy of
experience , if the rising Opposition were to be utterly crushed out by these vigorous measures . Such catastrophes have happened before now . Protestantism was , if not utterly smothered , at least rendered quite epicene in France by the revocation of the Edict of Nantes . At any rate , it is good to know the exact state of things . Fear may diminish the ranks of the Opposition in France ; but indignation will make it more and more united . One thing is certain—all the labour of last year is destroyed . To talk of constitutional opposition would nowbe an impertinence . The
Emperor will not hear of it on one hand , and public opinion derides it on the other . Silence will indeed be the order of the day now . Is this an advantage to the Empire or to its enemies ? We do not like to paint such situations too strongly . It is simple , sober truth to say that the Opposition is like a man with his adversary ' s knee on his throat , unable to utter threats , unwilling to sue for mercy , impotent to struggle , waiting for death , unless some fortunate accident enable him to deal an unexpected death-blow . The chances of such a combat , on such a stage , are sometimes equalized by despair .
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PARLIAMENTARY REFORM AND REFORMERS . The English have become a nation of Reformers . Every one is proposing to improve the representation of the people . Earl Gkky . is for digging a trench round the foundations of Parliament , and surveying and amending the entire fabric . Mr . Disbaei-i , it is well known , has a bill in his pocket . The author of What will the Lords do ? has reappeared ,
asking What and Where ? Lord Campbell has signed a memorial in favour of a new franchise . There is a great central union of Liberals in London ; local organizations have started up in most of the large towns . Mr . Cobden and Mr . Bbight have pronounced . Birmingham , Manchester , Gateshead , and Halifax have pronounced also . Middle-class politicians are attempting to coalesce with the Chartists . The Government itself declares
for Keform , and oven the Duke of Aboyll and Lord GbanviijLB have not been permitted to stand in the way of a legislative proposal . If we might bo allowed to hint an irreverent belief , we would say that Sir CiiABiiES . Beaumont Phipps himself is supposed to have condescended so far as to ask the Prince Consort ' s opinion on the probabilities of a disfranchising clause . So that all the world , in Great Britain at least , is agreed upon the necessity , or , at least , the safety of change , unions tlio lord of the Pennrhyn Quarries , or Iiiamiu
gleby Manor , or Kirk Harle , or Jioss , should retain ultra Tory sentiments , and be determined to support them , silent ana Mbliirfci ; —But-here-the-concord-ends . —jR « U ' g ~ liamentary Reform is a battle-field . Jl » King-street Keformers have propounded an excellent plan , to which a majority of liberal politicians throughout the country have adhered ; but a certain number of Chartists , conferring with them , insist upon manhood suffrage . Lord G bky , hostile to immediate legislation , wants to construct a machine which shall include enlightened constituti-
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ng THE LEADER . [ No- 411 , February 6 , 1858 . _ . ^^__ _ ¦ " ' * _ ¦ . _ ¦ _ - ; , ^ —_ ,
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), Feb. 6, 1858, page 132, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2229/page/12/
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