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The Premikr . —At the Lord Mayor ' s Easter banquet , the Earl of Derby , in returning thanks for the health of her Majesty ' s Ministers , made one of bis usual eloquent speeches . He said— " My Lord Mayor , you have been kind enough to propose our health as the Ministers of the Crown ; and such , in truth , we are , though at this moment -we are almost in the position of an officer of her Majesty ' s army ¦ who is under arrest , and who hardly knows whether he will be permitted to wear his sword , . until the verdict of'that great court-martial , to which we are appealing , shall , I trust , restore it to us again , and tell us we may wear it with honour . " Referring to
the public anxiety as to what was going on abroad , the Earl said , " The illustrious Comniander-in-Chief and the First Lord of the Admiralty , have referred to the anxious desire of this country to maintain for herself , and , if possible , for the world at large , the continued blessings of a general peace . To that end the labours arid the anxieties of her Majesty ' s Government have been , and I will , even at this eleventh hour , say , still are , directed with the most intense solicitude . I would to God that I could assure you , my Lord , that at this moment I saw a fair and a reasonable prospect that the peace of the world
would be permanently maintained . All I can say is this , that I have not " lost every spark of hope that the jflame may still be prevented from breaking out , and all X xian assure you is . that day by day , and night by night—indeed , almost hour by hour , our efforts are unceasing to avert * if it be yet possible , that dreadful scourge , a European war . " His lordship then adverted to the mission of Lord Cowley to Vienna , and the proposition of a general Congress by Russia to settle the questions in dispute between France and Austria . "On the part of England ( said the Earl ) we have endeavoured studiously to maintain the strictest and most absolute impartiality
between the two parties . When we felt that Austria was putting an undue pressure upon Sardinia , we have resisted the pretensions of Austria . When wie felt that Sardinia was making claims to which she was not entitled , we have refused to admit those claims of Sardinia , recollecting that they were both of them independent States , entitled to full consideration . Cordially , faithfully , and loyally we have been supported by Prussia throughout the whole of these negotiations . While she has studiously maintained the , obligations which she owes to the Germanic Confederation , she : has , on the other hand , most wisely and judiciously abstained from placing herself in that position as a German partisan M'hich
should disqualify her from acting under these circumstances , in connexion with England , as an impartial mediator . Such has been the course which we have pursued , and I wish I could say the difficulties of obtaining a meeting of the great Powers upon satisfactory terms had been overcome by the efforts of this country . I am compelled to state that they have failed . One last effort which I announced our intention of making , we have made , to "bring the contending parties to an understanding as to the terms on which they might meet in congress . I regret to say that Austria has rejected the offer of those terms , and almost simultaneously sent to Sardinia a peremptory message demanding her
immediate disarmament , under the threat of war , within the space of three days . In adopting that course Austria has taken upon . herself—if , indeed , she still acts upon her menace- — that fearful responsibility which attaches to that country which first deserts the peaceiful ways of diplomacy and subjects the question in dispute to the terrible arbitrament of the sword . My Lord , we had not known for twelve hours the course -which Austria had determined upon taking before we instructed our Minister , in the name of England , emphatically and
formally to protest against the step of Austria . It may foe that that protest has been unavailing ; it may bo that the horrors of war are already , or are about to be , to-morrow morning , invoked . I do not say that Austria had no cause for complaint , On the contrary , I am bound to say I think that by her aggressive and propagandist tone , Sardinia has deprived herself of a great deal of that moral support which the sympathy of England would give to the free institutions which she has so nobly maintained . But I do sfLvthifl . that there was nothing , in my judgment , to
justify the hasty , the precipitate , nna , Because involving the horrors of war , the criminal step which lias been taken by Austria . ( Clieors . ) Whatever the ponBcauences of that stop may bo . Austria has brought them upon herself . Within the last twelve hours wo have attempted yofc one last measure , m the hope of averting the calamities of war . The Congress hah ftiiled . The possibility of the united
efforts of Europe has failed ; but we have , at the last hour , and oh this very day , despatched to Vienna and to Paris a joint representation , offering to take up , on the part of England alone , the mediation at the point at which it was left by Lord Co wley , and to endeavour to arrange the differences between the two great Powers in dispute , subject to one of these two conditions—either an immediate , absolute , and simultaneous disarmament of the three Powers , France , Austria , and Sardinia , or a consent on the part of all the three , pending the result of the mediation , to retain their armies precisely in their present condition , and to maintain a position , if not of peace , at all events of inaction . "
Proceeding to notice Lord John Russell ' s criticisms upon his speech at the close of the session , the Premier continued : — " That noble lord supposes me to have said that I thought it the duty of England to maintain a posture of armed neutrality , in order that we might take the part pf whichever of the belligerents we believed was in the right ; and he adds that , from the manifest partiality which we have shown for Austria , there can be no doubt on which side we are prepared shortly to draw the sword . Nothing could have been further from our view . What I did say was this—that we intended to maintain a strict neutrality ; but that , when a million or more of men were in arms—when war was not only
imminent , but in aetiial existence—and that , moreover , in Italy and upon the shores of the Mediterranean , it was absolutely necessary for us , looking to the great interests we have involved there , looking to our great possessions and the military positions we occupy in that quarter ^ that we should be in such a state as to maintain and defend the security of those possessions , and preserve the British flag from the possibility of insult . Our armed neutrality ouj ? ht to be for the purpose of maintaining that position which we have held , and which , as long as possible , we arc determined to holdnamely , that of perfect and entire neutrality , free from all engagements , fettered by no
engagemerits arid no promises , and completely at liberty to use the influence—God forbid that I should have to add the arms—of England in such a manner and in such a cause as we might consider to be called for under the circumstances of the time by the interests , the honour , and the dignity of our country . ( Cheers . ) Our anxious desire is to maintain peace for ourselves . But I go further , and say that , even if the sword should be drawn , if unhappily war should break out , Erigland will maintain a watchful and ari observant attitude—observant , not for the purpose of profiting by the weakness or the calamities of others , but for the purpose of discovering the slightest gleam of light that should break forth amid the gloom of war , and should disclose a reasonable probability of the dispersion of the clouds , and afford a ground or
opportunity for the interposition of pacific influence . Charged as I am with the fearful responsibility which attaches to a minister of this great country in these anxious times , I am earnestly desirous'that between me and the British public there should be no secret , as to the course which the Government have adopted , or the position in which they have ijtood— no secret as to the counsels by which they intend to be guided ; and I greatly mistake the character of my countrymen if , in pursuing a determined and at the same time peaceful policy , we shall not secure that amount of confidence and sup ^ port which is essential to every minister , and the possession of which is the greatest and highest reward for the anxieties and toils to which he is exposed . ( Loud cheers . )
The E , u * t ov SiiAPTBsnunY . —This nobleman has also spoken on the European complication in the shape of a letter to a religious journal , intended , no doubt , to influence all whom it can influence in the present electoral struggle . Lord Shaftcsbury is of opinion tljat the prayer of Englishmen should be presented in favour of Sardinia , and of course against Austria ; . The reason is because Austria is on the side of the Pope , and Sardinia on the side of religious liberty . As to the question of justice , his lordship docs not seem to suppose that it need bo entertained or suggested .
Mr . BiUGHT .- ~ At a meeting held in the Town Ha ll , Birmingham , on Monday , Mr , Bright addressed , the electors , and roviewedtho position of the country with regard to the reform question . Ho referred to what he called the dislocation of the Conservative party ; and instanced Lord Stanley as a so-called Conservative holding far more advanced views than Lord John Russell . He added—Wo are got now to times when mon are reported to be mealy-mouthed ; the strong English of our ancestors is to bo given up , and wo are to ppoak of great propositions with ? bated breath and whispering humblonosa . Wo say wo will no longer sit down content with the state of things whore one man in six only of the grown men in the United Kingdom has a vote . ( Cheers . ) Wo say— . we of the great populations—Birmingham , Manchester . Liverpool , Glasgow , Edinburgh , Leeds , tthctflold ,
Bristol , Dublin , Belfast , Cork , and the metropolitan districts—we Say we are unwilling that each of thesp great populations should have only the same number of members as small towns of 4 , 000 and 5 , 000 inha bitants have . The speaker then referred to the dis graceful fact of manufacturers and landowners influencing the votes of their workmen and tenants If it were in the Southern States of America or in the island of Cuba , nothing would be more reason able than if you wanted anything of the negro cultivators of the estate ^ to ask the master , the owner * whether you might ask the negro cultivator to do anything you wished him to do . But when you are discussing a matter of politics in a free country that you should ask the landed proprietor to give'
you permission to canvass his tenants indicates a state of submission which I say is frightful and degrading to our country . So far as regards popular representation , the great mass of your county representation is a sort of dead carcass tied on to the living body of your borough representation . When you get the 10 / . franchise for the counties , and the ballot to protect the vote , then in all probability you will find that there are liberal opinions among the county constituencies . Beferring to the critical state of affairs on the Continent he expressed himself in the following lively hianner ' :- * - " What are we to do ? Are we to have our minds distracted from the question of Parliamentary reform ? . Are we to rim away from this substantial
chase to pursue the phantom of military glory ? Are we to insist upon n Government attending to . our own affairs rather than meddling with the insane and sanguinary contest which is about to commence in the south of Europe ? Don't suppose that because I found myself opposed to a large amount of public opinion on the question of the llussian warthat because I was insulted and defamed—that because every wretched scribe who earned his bread by writing newspaper articles , and whose conscience
was not the guide of his conduct—that because every man of that class thought I was a fit object . of his jeers , and for Ins calumnies ; and for his lies , for three years together—that because I suffered the loss , whatever that may be estimated at , of the representation oi" one of the first constituencies in the kingdom , I have ever regretted the position I then took . Let it be fairly understood that I am committed irrevocably , so far as I "have any influence , to the entire abstention of England from any meddling whatsoi > ver . I can remain in the House of Commons
—I can do my duty with such energy and capacity as have been bestowed upon me ; or I can leave the House of Commons—I can return to myown . doinestic enjoyments , and to what were at one time my commercial and manufacturing pursuits ; but there is one thing I cannot do , and that is , to sit tamely by to see intriguing placeholders or intriguing placehunters gradually , bit by bit , by blunders here , by tricks there , by crime yonder , step , drift , slide , as it were , into the terrific abyss which yawns below us . I value the blood , I value the sweat , I value the comfort , the lives , the homes , the happiness of the for single ment
people of this country . Never one mo , at the behest of power or at the call of popular frenzy and popular clamour , shall any man be able to charge me with being accessory to a policy which should Sacrifice the happiness of the common people on the altar of sanguinary war . "— -At the nomination for Birmingham , on Thursday , Mr . Bright again spoke at great length . He said " I have been for twenty years constantly employed in connexion with the politics of my country . For sixteen years I have sat in the House of Commons , and during that time there has been no charge brought agonuft me of political inconsistency , of ^ nfaUhfuln ess to ?„ ., „* . „ . *• onlf-onnirinrr in tinv WftV . Of being IOUHa
at any time a hanger-on ofpolitical . parties , 1 . hoye had tf » o high and glorious satisfaction of boingone of those through whoso instrumentality was gained the great battle of tree industry , by ^" n ^ E proclaimed glad tidings to all the sons of toil , not in England only , but throughout the word Govern ment is not securely based when at cloos not rest upon so much of public opinion and PuM * ™* " ™^ . as shall give perfect security to freedom , and to a wise and just economy in national expenditure . A no Government of England has grievousft rc ^ K and notoriously squandered and wasted ^ earnings of the people . If it had not boon so , how ™«« i { have , at the present moment , a national debt <* 800 , 000 , 000 / ., an annual interest to pay , and to pay for ever , of 28 , 000 , OO P * . or 30 , 000 , 000 * , and . annual amount of taxation to raise approaching 7 n nnn nnnl 9 Ara wo so difficult to govern t iJ "
we require vast armies and vast navies < cn » « j '' YosT countless police forces , { "V * border n expenditure for the purpose of " ^ " ^^ Mamon " our own country ? ^ Constituted as your 1 ™™ " ^ : SS £ wSSift SSSSgS zs ^ i ^ SLr ^ sss ^^ fSsA Are you aware of the monstrous fUct , Urn * to- uny
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POLITICAL FOBESHADOWlNGS .
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548 THE LEADER . [ No . 475 , A *> ril 30 , 1859 . I
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Leader (1850-1860), April 30, 1859, page 548, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2292/page/4/
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