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    rpat ? Has the convention entered into between Napoleon , Consul for life , and Paul I . of Russia —and which caused the latter to be strangledbeen a ^ ain discussed between the Strasburg adventurer and the autocratic liberator of the serfs .- ' A victory and a defeat will decide every question , and compel Napoleon to show Europe the real point at which he aims . For my own part , I can clearly read the acts of Louis Napoleon Bonaparte . I know him personally , from having offered him hospitality ; I have discussed with him the secrets of conspiracies , and joined him in taking the oath to combat every principle of absolutism . Thus qualified to judge , I have the firmest persuasion that his sole and grand aim in the present wans

    to annul the power of Great Jtfritain . As a foreigner who has found asylum , subsistence , and liberty of thought and belief on these shores , I feel urged hy conscience , gratitude , and religious sincerity , to make this declaration in the clearest and most unequivocal manner possible . I cannot understand how a people like the English can , with impunity , declare in favour of Austria , in the face of Europe , and thus openly oppose the Italians and the Italian movement , which Napoleon III . has guaranteed and armed himself to defend . Is not the war which Piedmont is waging a holy war ? Dp not the Italians look upon it as a struggle for national unity , freedom from the voke ^ of the foreigner , liberty of belief , and the

    look only at Italy now , we will examine the actualities in which she is concerned . The events of the past sixty years show that Italy has been possessed by a single idea ; liberation from ibreign occupation and the acquirement of national unity . Thousands of insane plots , five different secret societies , and thousands upon thousands of exiles will corroborate this statement up to 1848 . From the year 1849 to the present day this truth has acquired a material evidence , both social and diplomatic . The battle and defeat of Novara ; the Spanish , Austrian , Neapolitan , and French armies in Rome ; the conquest of Venice , and the occupation of Tuscany are historic proofs that in the movements begun in 1848 and suppressed in 1849 , Italy was tending towards the attainment of national unity , —thatin factItaly was becoming Italy .

    , , The variety of political opinions displayed at the epoch of the general insurrection show that the Italian peop le , though divided as to form , are united as to substance . They are divided with regard to the means which tend to their end , but the end to which they tend is singfe and undivided ; it is the formation of Italy into a nation . The correspondence between Charles Albert and Giuseppe Mazzini is familiar to all . If the Piedmontese king combatted Austrian power and foreign domination in Italy , the Republican leader combatted it equally . The Piedmontese soldier fought side by side with the volunteer of the Roman Republic ;

    destruction of the idolatry of Rome ? Chivalnc gratitude , even to the sacrifice of life , is a quality innate in the Italians . Will not the Italian people , then , feel eternally grateful to that man who avails himself of the arm of the powerful nation he commands to contribute to their independence , their political existence , and their free religious belief ? Nor does it avail aught to say that the destroyer of French liberty will never give liberty to Italy . Italy can but benefit , even by a change of masters . Bat Napoleon fights for Italy to obtain an ally rich in soldiers , sailors , stores and treasures , lie fights for Italy for the sake of his

    own commerce ; he fights for Italy to secure , m case of need , the services of 28 , 000 , 000 men to protect him against those who by means , direct or indirect , would gladly crush him . Why , , when England might protect Italy , and benefit herself at the same time , does she bring all her influence to bear against her ? When Italy utters the cry of liberty , why should a free people like England seek to stifle that cry ? If the English are urged to such conduct by miserable jealousy , away with their boast of progress and civilisation ! Do they fear' a check to their commerce ?

    Commerce bears direct relation to wants , and wants are greater in time of war than of peace . Do they fear lest the equilibrium of Europe should be affected ? That is a word not a thing . What is it which prevents England from availing herself of the Italian movement for her own benefit ? from making such a preponderance tend to her own utility ? Nothing but her journalism . The press , mainly monopolised by men whose good faith is in their own purses ,- —the press , clad in the colours of political party , with few exceptions , betrays and misleads the people , and flatters and bunds them by reasonings utterly un-English and unworthy of England ,

    My solo object in thus writing is to trace the events connected with the Italian war with the utmost impartiality , deduce from them whatever is calculated to advance the interests of this ^ great people , and place Englishmen in ft position £ to judge of Itahan and European events with accuracy , unbiassed by party ^ feclingj and uninfluenced by national jealousy . In this ninoteontli century , prejudice of race should give way to humanity and desire to promote general enlightenment and progress . ,

    It is disgraceful prejudice to dwoll in those days upon differences between Teutons , Magyars , Sclaves , Turks , and Mongols . Scientific discoveries have roduced distances , brought nations nearer together and nullified distinctions . At this day the nations form a single people—humanity . If a country Calls itself civilized , yet acts upon egotistical principles , it will do well to remember that the errors of nations avo not atoned for liko those of individuals , but that they entail destruction and political annihilation . Those ideas being promised , as uids to judging of the great events Svhich now occupy Europe , it will bo well to keep them in mind in reference to the various nation ^ , individually , as tvoll as tp the interests of Europe In general . To

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    will be found , in his despatches to Lord Malmesbury , that he denied , up to the last , the French Government were arming ; so that any reproaches for the failure of diplomacy , in being informed on this head should be transferred to- Lord Cowley . His lordship has believed whatever the- agents of the French Government were instructed tot ell him y he took no pains to ascertain for himself , and discredited all private information . He affected to sneer at Jolin BulUs invasion panic , and asserted to the last the good faith and peaceful aspirations of the Emperor . If peace is to be maintained between France and England the presence of an English ambassador here is essentially necessary ;

    and as Lord Cowley , it is stated , is about to leave , witli Lord Chelsea to remain behind as Charg d'Affaires , it is to be hoped that some one of weight in the counsels of Europe , whose perception is keen enough to pierce through foreign intrigue , and whose nationality is strong and vigorous , will be appointed to the post . Would his age permit it there is no one so competent , or who would have so much authority , as Lord Lyndhurst , and his presence might render a prompt return to peace possible . I have alluded to this subject because it is mortifying beyond measure to hear the representative of one ' s country ridiculed Ambassador issaid not

    on all hands . Our present . to have maintained the dignity of his country , to have allowed' himself to be played upon by both Emperors , . and to have gone to "Vienna without any authority beyond that , he derived from his own conclusions . He is the laughing-stock of all people * --the bult of an immensity of small wit . Although Lord Cowley failed , England may still prevent war . A letter in the Queen ' s own hand to both Emperors will secure a suspension of arms . The vanity and pride of Napoleon and Francis Joseph will be nattered . If we can only obtain a suspension , reference to a Congress will be practicable , and peacecertain . THE RBSURRECTION OF PARLIAMENT ART SPIRIT IN FRANCE . It cannot be taken as any reflection upon the courage and military ardour of the French nation testate that the war is not so popular as certain paiv tizans de la guerre a toutprix would haA e the world believe it is . Independently of the personal adherents of the Government , and of the revolutionary or advanced republican party- —whose motives are sufficiently transparent to induce the State to pause before embarking on a course which is applauded by its opponents , arid which must bring into full play and vigour elements that happily for society 1

    FRANCE . Paris , Thursday , 61 p . m . MINISTERIAL DIFFCtJLTIUS Strange as it may appear to say , it is nevertheless true , that France is on the eve of losing the distinguished of some of the most ardent supporters of the imperial regime among the present ministers . M . Delangle , it is believed , will withdraw from the Home office into the calm . and tranquil retreat of the Senate , to be recompensed by a life pension of £ 1 , 250 a year , and to be succeeded by that illustrious statesman , that eminently successful picture dealer , and marchand de brie a brae , that clever stockjobber ,, and lucky racing man , the Count de Moray . This gentleman is tbePresident of the Corps Legislatif , and was the negotiator of that convention with Russia ,

    which , we are assured , is not a treaty ; but his crowning merit is the accident of his birth which disfigures his escutcheon with the bar-sinister . M . de Moray ' s claim to rule France ' s figment of a Parliament , and to administer her home affairs , rests upon the fact that he is the brother of the Emperor —on the wrong side of the blanket—being the offspring of the loves of the Queen Hortense and the Count Flahaut , who subsequently married Baroness Keith . With such Btrong recommendations in his favour , it will surprise no one to learn , that this gentleman , so illustrious by his birth and deeds upon the Stock' Exchange , should be promoted to rule the domestic affairs of France in the absence of her Emperor . Ho , 'it appears , is the only one that can be implicitly trusted , and is therefore to be invested with the presidency of the ministers in the

    place of M , Fould , who will preserve the direction of the finances' —for his opposition to the war has given dire offence—until it is convenient to dismiss him . The only obstacle to the nomination of M . de Moray , to this high office that is likely to arise , is from the Palais Royal , or , in other words , the Prince Napoleon , who is the sincere advocate of the English alliance , while M . do Moray infinitely prefers that of Russia , ) for certain weighty and golden reasons . The nomination of the negotiator of the Russian convention , therefore , cannot be viewed in any other light than as hostile to England , and tho only way to neutralise its ill effects would bo for Lord Derby to appoint Sir Robert Pool 13 ritish ambassador to Paris . If your readers remember tho Tamworth criticism- upon tho Russian mission , they will understand tho importance of tho proposed change .

    L 0 KD OOWLEV ' S RESIGNATION . Indeed , it is high time that some change in this respect should bo made , and that without delay , for , dospHo tho flattery which both Whigs and Tories have heaped upon tho present representative of the British Government , his lordship is rouily not strong enough for tho place . Lord Cowloy has lived so long abroad , that ho has grown quito cosmopolitan , and is almost ashamed of being an Englishman , You will remember , with what supercilious indifference , with what haughtiness , he treated the ropresontativoa of British industry at tho French Groat Exhibition of 1855 . Bvor since January his lordship has acted in tho eamo spirit . I believe it

    are latent—independently of these two classes , repeat , I doubt if among the rest of the nation there are any honest advocates of the war . To the manufacturing interests , vulgar and selfish as M . de Moray may deem them , it is excessively distasteful , for war will inflict additional burthens of taxation , already very impatiently borne , and will considerably reduce production—consequently profits . To the agricultural interests it is no less obnoxious , for its first result is to enormously diminish the supply of labour , of which there is already so grievous a scarcity in all the agricultural of taxes to

    provinces . The imposition new carry on the war , and winch cannot be much longer delayed , for the system of credit is well nigh exhausted , will awaken the hostility of the peasant-farmers , upon whoso support tho Empire is founded . Even now significant imirmurs arc heard in tho provinces against the new policy ; - " which takes our money and our men , " On prend nos hommos et on prend notre argent . As the " take" becomes broader , deeper , and more often , it is difficult to sco how the feeling of discontent can be prevented from growing important . Tho shopkeepers in Paris view the war with apprehension , not to ; say disgust , for their trade donends unon foreian visitors to tho capital .

    Among tho bourgeois , tho houso-proprietors look upon it with dismay , and even alarm for , their personal snfety , especially , should tho Iunporor , obeying his warliko instincts , assume tho command of tho army of Italy . They protend , with what foundation I do not pretend to say , to foar annoyance ,, if not something Avorso , from thou ; tenants , when tho personal vigilanco and strong will ot tno Emperor ceaso to watch' over thoir safety . I fancy not oven tho most warliko and less scrupulous writors-iii tho Patria will have tho courage to affirm that tho war , under its Present nspoot . is popular , oithor among tho Catholic and conservaUvQ party or among tho niodoruto republicans . Tho SlsCTssiou i ? the Corps Legjslutif , last Saturday , ovon in its diluted and onmsculatod report ; w' to-days Mnnitnur is undeniable cvidonco to tho contrary . LasI wJdiosdS ! fi Emilo Ollivior , who sita for ono of tho electoral districts of Paris , and who s supposed to represent that section of the republican party whoso literary organ is tho now warlike "SEWS \ itod after regretting that the Government of tho Emporor should have agreed to n ° g ° tUjto upon the bftBis of tho treaties of 1815 , that ho and

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• Citation
  • Leader (1850-1860), May 7, 1859, page 595, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2293/page/19/