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owned for his rule of conduct the laws which govern most other men , we should be sanguine that , having annihilated the Holy Alliance by the proclamation of the second Empire and by the Crimean war , be would not invoke the unjust principles of that Alliance in the case of = Italy . But , under actual circumstances , we can only hope for the best , and wait the issue of the Congress . Should the war in Italy be suffered to bear its natural fruit , aad give to the peninsula that freedom of action which is an indefeasible right of every assemblage of thinking and reasoning beings , leavino- it amenable only to the beneficial laws
of international justice and political equipoise of power , the great monarch who undertook that war would assuredly have earned a right to the imperishable gratitude of posterity . The princes of Central Italy have lost their thrones because they had neither personal worth nor public opinion to support their authority . They fell , not in consequence of foreign violence , but by the national will . The bonds between them and their people were broken ; their bad government had separated
their thrones from the popular regard and affection as if by a deep trench . Of what avail , then , would it be for foreign rulers to try to force them back upon their reluctant subjects ? No intrigue can undo the past , or prevent a repetition of the uneasiness which has disturbed . Europe , if a return to the former system is unwarrantably obtruded upon the Italian peninsula . In 1 8 ^ 9 , by force of arms , Austria replaced the three foreign dynasties of Parma , Modena , and Tuscany upon their thrones . She would hot suffer it to be said that even the
House of Lorraine could stand without her support . Ten years afterwards , all three dynasties were compelled to abandon the thrones which they occupied as Austrian proconsuls and not as Italian princes . Such are the teachings of history , which can never safely be disregarded or ignored . It is devoutly to be hoped that the arrangements effected between the European powers , . who are to meet together in January next , will be of srien a nature that peace and prosperity may be guaranteed for a loner time to come .
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MR . BRIGHT'S LEADERSHIP . Some years ago Mr . Bright attended a conference held by the National Parliamentary Reform Association at Crosby Hall , and strongly advised the advocates of an extension of the suffrage not to make their task more difficult by holding out to the privileged classes the prospect of a variety of changes detrimental to their interests , and alarming to their prejudices . To some extent , at least , the advice was sound , and its giver would have been a more valuable friend to political progress if he had acted upon it himself . Last Vftar Mr . Briorht . mnrlfi a fftw snofiehes . which his
admirers thought wonderfUl efforts of human genius , but which had the effect of alarming the aristocracy and wealthy middle class , without bringing the democracy into tlje field . Half-a-dozen orations of questionable rjierit did not succeed in effecting a revolution in our defective political system , nor did they raise from the entire people a shout— "'There is one Reform , and John Bright is its Prophet . " If the member for Birmingham really cared for Parliamentary reform , this should not have discouraged him : he should have urged his friends to hold meeting after meeting , and follow the counsel so often given by Mr . Cobden ,
of sticking to one subject until it is completely worked out . Somehow , or another the flames kindled by Mr . Bright ' a eloquence died away liko firework corruscations . In no town did any organisation that originated with him manifest energy or activity , and the London Committee , of which he was the hero and apparent chief , might have been supposed defunct , up to its recent yap * " meeting , had it not kindly informed tie country , through the advertising columns of the newspapers , that it " sat daily" while th , o elections were going on .
At . Inncrth Mr . 'Rrinrht has roiinnearod unon the At length Mr . Bright has reappeared upon the scene , ana his penultimate speech is a . favourable specimen of his inanner and style . With much of it any friend of the people must agree , nor will many regret the hard knocks he has bestowed upon cortarn journalists who have perverted the truth to serve class interests or party purposes ; but there remains the question of oui bono t And if we apply the test of utility to Mr , Bright ' s oratorical labours , wo shall discern the usual want of judgment and statesmanship ,
qualities which are essential to a great popular leader , in a country that hna' happily passed through the period when mere declamation could carry much weight in the affairs of men . TVe sympathise strongly with Mr . Bright ' s visions of cusjpm houses turned into factories , and the last coast guardsman and the last exciseman taking their places in the archaeological department of the British Museum ; but before these questions can belong to the practical business of the day , we must create a legislature that reflects the national will , and is capable of desiring that elevation of the
masses and that emancipation of industry , to accomplish which' the financial changes are proposed . If Mr . Bright ' s example were to be followed , Parliamentary reform would be subordinated to fiscal changes , and instead of being demanded in order that " the people should decide for themselves how the taxation should be levied , it would be sought for the sake of carrying out a scheme whichj whatever its merits , is surrounded with difficulties , and is remarkably distasteful to those who have , to a very large extent , the power of refusing to accede to electoral improvements .
Mr . Bright cannot be said to have propounded a system that would work . In accordance with his usual custom , he stops short at the point where the statesman should supplement the labours of the platform orator , and contributes precisely nothing to the elucidation of the host of minor questions that must be solved before an entirely new system of finance can be established in an old country , full of interests and prejudices that cannot hastily be swept away . It would be easy to tax the realised property which can be seen
in the shape of land and houses , or traced m share registers or similar documents , but by what precise method is the capital of the . merchant or the miliovvner to be made to contribute its share ? The present income tax is shamefully evaded by these classes , and every one conversant with London society or any great manufacturing towns , is convinced that within a few streets are to be found more persons of large income than are returned for the entire kingdom . To pounce down upon the . £ 100 of the comparatively poor man who has invested it in a manner convenient
for the t ^ x gatherer , and to let the . £ 100 , 000 escape which is floating in the transactions of the merchant , would violate all sense of justice " ^ and before the non - trading classes can be fairly asked to consent to a tax of 8 s . out of every £ 3 or \ £ 4 which they derive from a . £ 100 investment , it will be necessary to show them that the trading class , receiving , perhaps , 15 to 30 percent , upon their capital , and often much more , will be made to contribute to . a similar extent . These difficulties are by no means insuperable ; but we doubt the possibility of dealing with them until the people are fairly represented in Parliament , and public opinion has been changed and enlightened by the discussions that would then take place .
Next year will not be a time for establishing a new financial system , but it will be the time for settling representation upon a new basis , and upon the decision arrived at , the policy of this country will depend for many years . Under these circumstances we invite the friends of progress to consider the bearing of Mr . Bright ' s proposed agitation , upon the chances of the new Reform Bill . As we have before stated wo appreciate the services rendered b y the Liverpool Financial Reformers , and believe their expositions of the waste , extravagance , and pressure of the existing taxation system might be made a valuable auxiliary to the demand for electoral reform ; but . if Mr
Bright were to bo taken as the leader in the popular agitation , it is clear that his present plan for subordinating the extension of the suffrage to financial schemes would operate as a diversion from tho main object , and increase the facilities that the aristocracy at present possess for thwarting , and delaying tho satisfaction of popular demands . The Northern Reform Union by steadily pursuing its one object—manhood suffrage —has built up an important power , and almost every day the local papers bear witness to the utility of its exertions , and tho enthusiasm with which they aro received . When Mr . Josbph Cowen began his campaign he wns laughed at for his pains , and it required all the advantage of his personal character , and the high position of his farm , to win anything like recognition , by the
¦¦ ^ -- ^ flr—giii wealthy classes , of the existence of his movement He did not , however , content himself with one or two set orations , but laboured with devotion auitP remarkable in a man who at the same time dili gently discharged the functions of a lar < ve and sue " cessful employer of labour . The resuTt has been an . annual increase of power , and the political education of a large district , extending from New castle to York , and from Carlisle to Berwick to an extent which is , unfortunately , not equalled any . where else . Not even in London can large audi - ences be assembled , who know so much * about social and political subjects as those which throne the Lecture-room or the Town-hall of Newcastle when the Northern Reform Union issues its summonses , and invites its adherents to the discussion of public affairs . Now what Mr . Cowen and his friends have done in one place can be done in others , by the same expenditure of patriotism money , and time , and their movement has the advantage of being national , not sectional . If Mr Bright really does care for popular rights , he may find in Newcastle an example that he might follow with advantage ; but whatever applause may attend his orations , he may rest assured he will neither be a great statesman nor a great popular leader until he is more national and Toss local , and can make up his mind to labour consistently and steadily for a wideextension of the . oufFrnge , although the result may not be favourable to the crotchets of his particularly harrow school . It was an exhibition of shortsightedness , when he failed to perceive the natural connexion between popular education in military matters and the abolition of Court and aristocratic jobbing in our War Department , and it was a needless and silly insult to the common sense and sound feeling of the nation to describe the volunteer movement as one of which in a few years the . people " would be heartily ashamed . " It is much more likely that they will bo ashamed of a leader who , now as on former occasions , seems inclined to divert attention from the simple question of Parliamentary reform , and who has done more than any other man to make the Liberal party a rope of sand . Mr . Bright should also learn to appreciate the labours of others who do not belong to his sect . The succession tax may be far too small , but it was a grout thh 1 | to introduce it at all , and he ought not to speak of it without giving due honour to Mr . Gladstone , for a brilliant and difficult achievement , which will , hereafter , bear important fruits .
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Reliqion in Tu . sc . vnt , —A letter from Florence contains the following information : — "I some time ago alluded to what is called ' evangelical Christianity' in Tuscany . I said but little about it , for both the instinctive prudence and caution of the new sectarians themselves , and the extreme wariness and timidity of the Government , combine to hido as much as possible the candlo of these new lights under a bushel . The movement , however , si-enis daily to assume more significant dimensions . Two , three , five hundred , and even nearly ono thousand people meet of a Sunday evening i" this town , in iVnil about the small room doing duty for a cliapol . It is dimcult to calculate the results of this affluence of people Uiwes
to such a place , and of tho free distribution ot and religious tracts among persons of all classes , Nor is the movement by any moons limitoil to tins capital . Everywhere throughout Tuscany , and still mure in the Koniagnas , are tho books spread , ana people induced to join in the peru al of them . X lieso now congregations have as yet no definite ayniuois , no established elorgy , no appointed touchers ; tney profess to ground their faith on tho Gospel ana on freedom of inquiry . They have as yet no mon oi transcendent ability , of striking eloquence , or ot conspicuous character among them . Their most gittcu preacher is Muzzavqllu , a Neapolitan , onco connected with tho Waldousos of Piedmont , then a scccder from thorn , and tho founder of an opposition soct , yclept Evangelical Society , in Turin and Genoa , 'i ll £ . n ) " of the highest rank in tho flock is Count l iotro Guicciardini . of Ifloronco . tho same who years ago oi
suffered imprisonment and baniahmont us guilty tho crimo of reading the Bible primtuly with two or three friends in hio own house . Some of his congregation think tho Count mthor lukewarm ana timid in tho cause . The groat obstaolo to tho rWai is tho stato of perfect apathy , of religious tloutn , in which most' Italians , whether profoasud bollovors or arrant infidels , nre content to live . Kellglon , w I had occasion to any before , has too long boon tno priests' business in Italy . Ono priest , 1 am toiu . na » already forsaken the established church and jomm ho innovators in Florence
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7 1 ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦¦ 111 ii ¦ tja 1348 _ THE LEADM [ No . 507 . Dec . 10 , I 85 Q .
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Leader (1850-1860), Dec. 10, 1859, page 1348, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2324/page/16/
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