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tion of Austria , all seem disposed to accept the new state <> f things ; hS&SS and Prussia apparently hesitate to toto fte ^ nntil thev are reassured . with reference to the foreign and domestic poKcy of ^ Go ^ nunent of King Victob Ehman ^ Therelaions Sf Piedmont with the Great Powers are at present ^ friendly as could be wished . Prance and England have given « £ " » JJ »* *™ sEsssssaass ^ i ^ SATmaking their approbation or at least the * adhesion to the annexation of Tuscany , no less than of the minor Duchies to towards Austria since 1848 ought ^ tiU to be maintained * Piedmont Xe tW fStion of the few State , « . d «« progressof flu , . «* of which are wearing out of themselves . The Court of Koine has cleailj revealed l ^ iSions by the nomination of General Lamobicieee to ^ he dommand of the army , ai ^ of M . J >* Mebc . be ^ Minister of War . The latter nomination appears to me of more serious ira--nortance than that of General IiAMOBiciEBE , as introducing ^ the ^^^ meWlto the Pontifical Government i ^ » £ aiajV Sie significance of which cannot escape the notice either of the P edSese Government or the other Powers of Europe Although the Court of Home professes peaceful ideas , and continues to repeat thltShL * oTintention of endeavouring to regainjts lost provinces bSVe eksonly to preserve the remainder , it is far frpm probable that General Lamob ^ cLbk should be content with standing still smipiy ds the deferiderof the State . Besides , if such were the case , where would-be the necessity of assembling an army of wenty thousand men , and which is daily augmented by the arrival of tiesli me The n pontffical Government has no reason to anticipate aggressipn from without . Piedmont has never attacked it , and only accom-Sed the annexation of the Romagna after having vainly sought to come to an understanding with the Papacy , by winch its intern ** and dignity should be preserved . The present e £ ^ te ™ to ^ : ^ Ht ^ must" ^^^ prevent the smallest suspicion or danger that jt . will dev atcrfiom the prudent and moderate course of . action which ever has been . must continue to be , the source of its strength and prosperity- Apolicy at once Italian , national and progressive , b « t wh jch abstains From all provocation , is essential to the welfare of Piedmont . 1 he San cause has nothing to tear from the ^ f ^^ ZfifSZl or Naples , for absolutism is the most effectual advocate ol the National principle . The prudent policy of Piedmont ™ tatej dej-3 "« , because it gives our Government a moral force and autho . ? Hy which ZU b ^^ * o consolidate its enlarged state , while it offers to Europe a guaranteed order and respect for international law , m whicK it has never failed . Piedmont must now take measures for strengthening " , id defending her possessions . The belligerent designs of ne . ghbournigpowfrs are pa ^ nt , and it is only a question of time . and conveSce , when their enmity will be expressed by deeds . It i ^ of importance , therefore , that the subalpine kingdom should , bo prepared to sustain any shock which may be brought against it . The itrueele between the two principles of liberalism and despotism can nte r cea ^ e in Italy until the one has finally overcome the other Let Piedmont , then , proceed cautiously and ™ nflcientiousjy , ^ and eventually the victory must be hers . She has now the moral flupport and sympathy 6 f all the liberal Governments of both the Old and New World , and time will but add to the number of her * A Tmphlet has recently appeared at Berlin , with the title « Free to the Airiatio , " written by < % btavo Kasoh . The writer undertakes the defence of the Italians against the calumnies of the Austrian press , and , by the enumeration of a series of facts , more or leas generally known , but all derived from notices and . documents of irrefragable authenticity , exposes to view the iniquity of the Austrian n ! le in Italy . The effect of such writingH as this must be to make the Italian cauae better , known and appreciated in Germany , and to enable Germans to judge how truly hostile to all progress , to all liberty and independence , is the Austrian domination . It is now recognised in Germany as in Italy , that Austria offers the most unjustifiable obstacles to the development of nationality , and to the nroirress of modern and generous principles of international law . The writer most triumphantly disproves many of the calumnious and exaggerated statements made systematically against Italy by the Gazette d'Augusta and ther Government organs . He soye , — |
« In the suppression of the national development of peoples m&mmW ? he past forty-i years , is the alpha and theo mega . of the 1 fsto ^ y nf the Austrian rule . And how was it established in Italy r * sy cha ?» s and fmprisonment by the -ecutionei -s axe by Jii | and sword , by blood and tears , by the groans of a "f * " ^ " ^ ^/^ lav to day . For the other European peoples , the first half of the Swrl ^^^ theldriaiic-m&y become a truth ; for in tlmt each man should see the realization of his own principles . " .. ,. „ , From the narration of Kasch , we have the satisfaction of finding that the deportment of the Italians during the past ten years , notwltWandiirg the contumely poured upon them by the hireling AustS prL , has won the esteem and admiration of their enemies . When apeJple inspires such sentiments in the hearts of its oppressors , itS p ^^ nttr ^ Sn ^ eparing the way for tbb happensummation . Before no very distant period we doubt not Venice SThare the fate of more fortunate Lombardy , and Italy thus be free to tlie Adriatic . Hanoveb , May 7 th , 1860 . The proceedings in the Prussian Upper Chamber upoiv the question of the land-tal , and the debales upon the aflairs ; of Hessuv a ^ i Schleswig have been followed , as national mv ^ nited ^ Ge . man . interests by every country of the " Vaterland . " All except the Junker , or GermL tO 1 party , feelthat the loyalty of ^ ^ ne provmces depends upon the justice and patriotism of- the Upper ^ "jbOT . The Junkers , however , are either ignorant of the sent . ments of the Eliiiielanders , or rely upon the alliance of JEngland ^ and the military p ^ wes ? of a ^ ent Prussia to withstand ^ any attempt upon the Bhme . In the debate upon £ he land-tax M . Von Kleist Retzow maintained that the principle of the Government measure Avas of Kncli , consequently revolutionary origin and denounced it as an invention to iibolish the law of entail and destroy the influence of the landowners , i . e ., the feudal aristocracy This was the grand reason advanced for their opposition to the * Government . Dr . Heinecke , on the ministerial side , replied to these assumptions in a long and a . ^ mated speech , in which he pointed out the fact that the late Count Bbandenbubg and his colleague , Chevalier Man-- ^ EOTTFEi ^ rwho-were-consider-ed-quite-as-XOJiaegYa iiye in thei r view s — as any of the tory party , had , even in 1850 , proposed the same measure to the Chambers . The present opposition of the landowners took its risein the selfish and unjust desire Ipreinainnntaxed at the expense of the rest of the nation . It had nothing to do with principles or the welfare of the monarchy , as-might be seen by the petition presented by the landed proprietors to King Fbedebick WiLwltf : I ., ' in the year 1717 . They agreed to the laying on of a houfie-tax , but would not listen to any alterat . on of the l £ id-tax . King Fbederick Wimiam III . had from 1810 till his death constantly endeavoured to fulfil h . s promises made to the people relative to the removal of the inequa ities m ^ the ^ system of taxation , but had ever been most determinedly baffled by the feudal proprietors . Fbedebick William IV . had reiterated his fathers promises , and had exerted himself to carry them into effect , but with as little result . By thus thwarting the wishes of their sovereign and the people , and selfishly refusing to bear their share of the national burthens , they were sowing the seeds of Jthat revolution which they pretended it was their aim to avert . The obstructive opposition of the Upper Chamber to every measure brought forward by the Cabinet might ultimately lead to a change of ministry as they would have it , formed from the feudalist majority ; but they would risk not only every hereditary privilege , but even the safety of the kingdom . To this one spokesman of the Tories replied , that all the acts of the Upper Chamber had for their object the protection of his Majesty the King against the machinations of the present ministers and their abettors . It would be a hard task to redress the evils which had arisen by these machinations during the last thirteen years , but it was to bo hoped that the endeavours of the feudalists would , in the end , bo attended with success . Your readers may imagine how this puenle irony has been received by the Liberals . The people , viewing the utter powerlessneBs of their Liberal Regent and ministers against this opposition , ore growing disgusted with so-called constitutional government . • The debate upon the land-tax has been followed by another upon the affairs of Settles wig , which more particularly interest the whole nation ; but although the publio read with avidity , and repeat with considerable animation , the arguments served up to them by the journals , there are still no signs of an active movement in support of their views . The cause of this apathy lies , I think , in the faot that there doea not exist in any one country of , Germany a sufficiently
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454 The Leader and Saturday Analyst . [ May 12 , I 860 .
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), May 12, 1860, page 454, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2347/page/18/
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