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THE NORTHERN STAR SATCKDAT, OCTOBER 3. 1840.
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MR. O'CONNOR'S PORTRAIT .
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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POREXaW X 3 KVBU&QESQB . AFFAIRS OF THE EAST . The London journals of Wednesday contain no ferther intefligeaoe from the Levant than that touch -will be found in another eolnmn . It appears that France aad all the continental nations an making the most active preparations for war ; and the Constitutwnnel , French Ministerial journal ,-xn alluding to a paragraph in the papers flUtlli £ that the Governments bad refused to permit the exportation at horses already purchased by franco , states that there in no foundation for the tepon , and that sueh a step would be a breach of xmting treaties , and tantamount to a declaration of fcafitilicJes against France .
FRANCE . TRIAL OP PRINCE LOUIS NAPOLEON AND HIS CONFEDERATES .
CFrom the Sun of Wednesday . ) Pakis , Mohdat , Sox . 28 > -The nephew of an Emperor , and bob of a Kiaf stood this day at the bar of the Court of Peers , summoned by Royal rdonnanee of Louis Philippe ! Napoleon Lotus Bonaparte arraigned before the Peers , the majority « f whom were created by his uncle 1 Prince Louis Uapolaoa oeapying tike station occupied previously far a Fiesebi , an Alibaad , aad a Barbee ! Such was the strange spectacle exhibited this day—each ( he carooa coincidences which presented themselves in the annual monstre pnees exhibition of the
Luxembourg Peers 1 On to * 16 th of September , the decree of iha Court ordered the fallowing nineteen pri-¦ oners ( thirty-ax were released ) to be put on their trials this day : — Le Prince Charles Louis Napoleon Bonaparte Le Comto General Charles Tristan de Monthelon Ceionei Jean Baptiste Voism Deoia Charles Parquin , Commandant Bippolyte Francois Athale -VbartiflK Boaffet Jlon-Unban , Cokmel Xtieaae Laborde , Iieot .-Coloael A jSererin Loais LeDoff de Jiesonan , Chef vBsoa timnn T
Jalea BarthelemyLombard , Captain Heari Cwuieau , Doctor Jean Gilbert Victor Kalin de Peragny , Captain sad Aide-de-Camp Alfred d'Almbert , Prince ' s Secretary Joseph Orsi , Merchant Prosper Alexaadre , dit Des ^ rdins , Captain MaihieQ Galvani , Sob-Isteodaot ( Military ) Kapoleon Otmbo , Officer of Drageons Jean Baptiste Theodore Forestier , Officer Martial Eugene BataiUe , Cir Q Engineer Jean Baptist * Charles Aladenue , Lieutenant of the 42 d of the Line . Pierre Jean Fr »«© i « Bare , Commercial Clerk Benn Richard Siegfroi de Querelles ( absent ) . Lieut Fiaiidia Vourlat ( absent ) .
At an early hour the reserved places for the corps diplomatique , and the public , were aU occupied , there being three galleries appropriated for that purpose—tnat of the reporters Deing dirided iato two , the disposition of the Court allowing of bo •( her WTMmpimL there being but fear principal wkha , distributed into fire compartments each . Previous to the commencement of the proceedings the gentlemen of the long robe took their seats , amongst whom were Messrs . C . Ledru , Ferdinanc Barrot , etc At half-past twelve the whole of the aoon&ad were introduced into Court . They were preceded by a hniasier ; then came two gendarmes , fott&wed by Prince Louis Napoleon , and Genera Cemni de Miibulun , » lieutenant of gendarmes
at-BSg on toe right of the Prince ; then a gendarme , ttaa Col . Voism , with his arm in a sling , and M . le Daft" de Mesenan , sadthe others in rotation . The Prince was attended by M . Berryer , with whom he otered into ooBrenatioa as soon as he took his seat . Prince Louis Napoleon was dressed in a black dress oat , which was buttoned up , with a white waistcoat BDderneath , and black trousers and boots . He wore % large star on his left breast , and appeared perfectly composed . About a quarter to one the Peers entered and took tiMtr places , and it was remarked atat several of them saluted the Prince en passant ¦ The President then ordered the act of accusation to be read . The accused are charged with baring , on the 6 th of August hut , been guilty of an attempt ,
we-otjeet or waicn was either to destroy or change the thverament , to excite the citizens to arm against the royal authority , orexeito to civil war by Arming , r in inching the citizen inhabitants to arm one ftgattri tile other , charges which are pro-rided for by articles 87 , 88 , 89 , and 91 , of the penal code . The reading of the act of accusation occupied ¦ early two hours ; after which the Court adjourned for half an boor , and the prisoners withdrew . Colonel VoisuL being still a sufferer from his weuiid , requested permission to retire before the leading of the set of accusation was finished , which was granted to him . Prince Louis Napoleon asked permission to address Ike Court , when he read from a written paper the following speech : —
" For the first time in my life it is at length permitted to me to raise my Toioe in France , ana to peak freely to Frenchmen . * Notwithstanding the guards who surround menotwithstanding the accusations that I hare just heard—filled with the remembrance of my earliest eisiMhood , in again fining myself within the walls of this Senate , in the midst of you whom I know , Gentlemen , 1 cannot believe that it is necessary for Ke to justify myself here , nor that you can be my judges . ** olemu oocasion is
A B presented to me to explain so ay fellow-citizens my conduct , my resolutions , « ry projects—what I think , and what " I desire . If , without pride , without weakness , I recal the rights placed in the hands of my family , it is only to peak of the duties that these rights hare imposed ¦ poo us all . ^ For fift y yean that the principle of the sovereignty of the people has been consecrated in France fcy the most powerful revolution ever effected in the world , never has the national will been more solemnly proclaimed— nerer been more established by TOtes as free and as numerous as those for the adoption of the constitutions of the empire . ** The nation has not attained this great act of its ¦ OVeMgnty , and Napoleon has said— 'Everything
which u not done by the Tuition u illegal' Be , therefore , on your guard against believing for a moment thai in giving way to the dictates of personal ambition I may hare wished to attempt is France , in deepfte of the country , an Imperial restoration . 1 hire been formed and brought np under hieh lessens , and I have lived under noble examples . 1 am born of a father who descended from hia throne , without Tegret , the day when he no longer thought it possible io reconcile with the interests of France the interests of the people whom he had been called upon to govern . The Emperor , my ancle , preferred to abdicate tie empire rather than accept , by treaties , the limited frontiers which might expose France to the threads ind disdain which areat this moment launched
at herTfrom abroad . * To ca ^ se the triumph of the will © f the peoplfrto serve the interest of the people—to ff »« j"t * in Franks at the elevated pomt she ought to occupy , from her genius , her military force , her civilizing power—these are the political principles which the history of my family has revealed to iny youth , and Which sioae have dictated my resolutions . " Nev ? r for one day have I ceased to rememocr these teasflps . The undeserved proscription which , for twecty-five years , has accompanied my life from the glorious throne on the steps of which I was borne -down to the prisons which I have just left , has net sufficed to irritate me or to cause me to despair—H has not , for one moment , estranged me from the dignity , the glory , the rights aad interests rf France .
¦ Wh en in 1830 the people reconquered the orereienty of tbe people , when you proclaimed tliiB great co ^ ita of modem politics , we had a right tt > oonc ' mde that the result of tbe conquest wo&id . respond to the conquest itself ; but the country has had its sad experience these last ten year-: f In the present juncture of affairs I thought that i tie vote of four millions of citizens , who had confided to my family tbe destinies of France , imposed « pc& us a ; least the duty to make as appeal to the ¦ fttion , in order to ask its will . I thought that it appertained to no person to place himself as an o « t * ch » to acknowledged rights , and their n&tora
eo&seqaences . I believed perhaps also , that if , iu ike nudit of the national confess I wished to convoke , some pretensions might be heard , I might have the Tii * hi to awaken the striking reminiscences of ib « empire , to display in the eyes ot Frmee ( now weakened and almost unrecognised in the Congress of KiDes ) , Fraow , at th&t time so strong at home , so powerful and respected abroad . The nation * Tould Lave been free to have pronounced , republic HioBarchy , empire « r royally , as ail emanates ? * m "its will , and all is dependent upon its opinion . « 1 " ore the manifest expression of its wiahes , in my .
XS ^ B . _ i _ ___ _ _ . *¦ - — *¦ - — A- — — u « 4 oj fvAVA / 1 ' -, erery eontrary preteEtiou is destroyed . « , Th ^ re was no conspiracy . There * were no ac-1 hees . Al ne I did aU . I Tesolved npon every-JP ?* Nobody knew beforehand either my pro-^^ ry resources , or my hopes . If I am . guilty 3 *^* K «» &ny one in the world it is against the « g ?** ff- who have followed me . They wilinot , how-™ use me of having abused courage aud de-•**?» ^ -, le dicir own ! They will comprehend the ****? ~ i and honourable motives which do not
*?™ 1 * o reveal , to them even , how powerful and alto 1 r F " ere tug reatont to hope tU success . Xyf ' - wd more , Gentemen . 1 represent Oco ^ Tv principle , a cause , and a defeat . before you je ^ ^ BoTsreignty of the people . « The pfc » ig ^^ of tha Empire . ^"" rCi is ttatof Waterloo I . I i £ * ^ f ^ r , i yoa hare acku » wteiged -t { ie cswise "ThevtaaspL nder—and the defeat you wish to yo ^^^ ** red a ; aweoge . . - - - «« ioe between you and me , and Tht ^ is eo cl 2 &v t I can be now devotei \ o I will / . oiDiwlieve tiu . * he deleotion of others . tor the punishment of t
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" Representative of a political cauae , I cannot accept as judge of nay wishes and acts a political jurisdiction . Your forms deceive nobody . In the conflict now beginning in this plaoe there are only the conquerors and the conquered . If you are the former I have no justice to expect from you , and you have no right to impose npon me your generosity . " Baron Pasquier , after the speech , which was heard amidst profound attention , was proceeding in his interrogatory when oar reporter left . UNITED STATES . New York papers to tbe 8 th , and Canada papero to the 6 th ultl , have been received . They contain no political news of the slightest interest to oar readers . '
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In asswtt io several Agents who have written respecting the forthcoming large Engraving of Mr . O'Connor , we beg to say that the Plate is ia the bands of the Engraver , and , as soon as finished , Specimens will be sent to each Agent , and a time fixed for it * distribution . It will be confined rigidly to regular subscribers , and the several Agents had better begin to take the names of their customers for it In a short time we shall announce when tbe list must be closed .
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THE DISPATCH AND THE REPEAL OF THE UNION . JLBTICL * n . "Travel through Ireland ; filth , destitution , Bakedness , and depravity present theaselves everywhere . Tbe traveller , or the Eagliab or foreign resident , would expect to find is Inland an ovenrhslaiiag superfluity of boots , ahoes , leather masufaetam , etah . hate ,
bardware , cottons , muslins , trifles , aa 4 eared fish , whereas in Ireland nothing of the sort is seen . la Ireland We see tkonsaods -without shoes , or stockings , or hatl , or scarcely a fragment of cotton , muslin , or WOoDtn on the backs of the people . A decent ahoddiog or habUlment is scaroely to be lotmd throughout the country , except in a few large towns -, and in those towns ml ? amongst very small dosses . I will not , Mr . Editor . p « nu « this absurd » ubjcci say farther . "—Fnm PiOUeoUet Letter in the Dispatch .
In good faith , Publioola , " we defy you to add the Bhadow of a shade to your picture . However , we take the above , barring the * depravity , " as a very fair picture of the present condition of the Irish people ; and let him who was before a repealer , without knowing why—let the mooth that has never before Bounded the word repeal—let the eld and the young , the maimed and the halt—let Irishman , woman , and chile , pin PublicolaV description of their country to their sleeve , and show it as their title to a divorce from so savage a partner—from a monster who could thus reduce them to -such a state .
This picture , however has a very different complexion to that given by the Editor of the Dupatch in a previous number of that paper , wherein be sets off the immense importations of * F . ngifoh ahoes , hate , clothes , grates , cutlery , crockery , and every article essential to civilised life , " as good value for Irish produce . We have ne objection to an appeal from Phlli p drunk to Philip sober ; and , as "PubUoola" and the Editor now appear to be one in flesh and blood , although the very antipodes to each other in the art of " ratiocination , " we must leave many matters to the settlement of tbe disputants , candidly confessing our inability to reconcile the bold assertions of the one with the rattling conclusions of the other J
Without stopping for tbe present to argue the " relative subjects" which " Publioola" addresses to himself , and adopting his aooount as a true representation of the country , let us ask if there breathes mortal bearing the name of man ajid human shape , who will submit tO the Irish people longer remaining in that state of - filth , " " nakedness , " " poverty , " "depravity , " and wholesale destitution described by Publicola . " What , then ! the Irish have had forty 5 ears of Union , and eight of those of Reform ; Ireland ha 3 had all those boons lauded by •*
Publicola '— Lord Spjjmchb ' s Church Bill ; the Whig Tithe Metamorphosis Bill ; the Corporation Bill ; the Emancipation Bill , Coercion Bill , and all ; and yet have all her triumphs come to this sad summing up of her woeful catalogue of Bufferings f ! Granting the truth of PublioolaV position , and , for argument sake , admitting his reasonings upon " relative subjects" to be correct , will " Publicola" then condescend to inform us what the probable condition of Ireland would have been at this time if she had not been united to England ! There is but a step between
the ridiculous and the sublime ; and the answer of " Publicola" must be , if he reasons justly , " Why , then , we could only prescribe Sir Joseph Yobkb ' s nostrum for Ireland ' s many maladies , namely , that she be sunk in the sea . " We have not selected garbled extracts from the letter of Publicola , " which , by oounection with the context , would admit of other constructions ; we have taken those parts which stand as complete sentences , having distinct meanings , unqualified or otherwise explained by any other portion of his letter .
Having said to much , we now come to closer quarters with " Publioola , " and select portions of hia letter for comment . In speaking of the Irish Roman Catholic clergy , Publicola" says" The Catholic priests are the last persons in the world to wish for a repeal of the Union . Like all other priest * , their object is pelf ; and tbey have sense enough to know that their country must be impoverished by a repeal , and , consequently , there will be left less wealth out of which they cau enrich themselves . "
Without offering any defence for our very excellent fellow-labourers against so sweeping a charge , we reply to " Publicola" by M Publicola , " and refer him to the extract from his letter at the head of this article . Will he -vouchsafe to inform us what the next step in the descending scale must be , starting from his description of Ireland ' s present condition ? Could the Pope , the Devil , or the Pretender , or all three unitedly , reduce Ireland below PublicolsV description ! Has he forgotten that the very beggars whom change for the worse could but rob of their skin , their filth , their depravity ,
or their life , compose that very class from whom those " cunning" priests ahould extract their increased " pelf ! " Now it ib because we think that Irish priests , like all other priests , have an eye to the main chance , and because we believe them to bo sensible , that we feel convinced of their sincerity and their hope of bettering themselves , by bettering those from whom the " pelf " comes , by a repeal of the Union . In all ages , and under all forms of government , the support of the clergy , by the upper aad middle classes and their representatives , ever has depended ,
and ever will depend , npon reciprocal advantages , not upon coincidence of religious belief . They will ever confer the licence of ascendancy upon the professors of that faith , who can best promote secular possession by spiritual aid . If society was reduoed , by the operation of machinery , or any other " harlequin wandism , " to one or two . classes , neither requiring church mystery for the subjugation of the other , it is more than probable , that those who are not now ashamed to eat and to drink and to live together , would not then be ashamed to worship one and tbe same God together , and thereby save all the expenses of a St » te Cburoh .
Having disposed of the Irish priesthood , " Pah * licola" proceeds thus : — "I dismiss the agitation of Repeal most contemptuously , and allow me briefly to address you » n some relative subjects . " In reference to the relative position of America and Ireland to England , as regards separation ^ " Publicola" fajs : — M I deny this assertion ; there are no analogies in the case . " Denying an assertion and refuting it are two very different things . u Publicola" has boldly
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asserted , and we will as , boldly refute , every arngle one of his assertions . Publicol *?* prooeeda thus : — '' There an bo analogies lathe ease . Tbe Anwrleans were a rich , the Irian were a poor , nation ; tbe Americans wet * free from debt , and Iretaad b involved { u embarrassments ; America had an inftelsBVlswll to bring under cultivation , Ireland has none i Ainerlea had an abundance of capital , and fadUttesof enHein ; foreign capital to their shores ; Ireland to destitute of one , and the repulsion of tbe other ; the Americana were an
united people , tbe Irish are the most disunited that ever existed ; America possessed religions liberty , in £ mi and U spirit , whilst no aation » n earth exhibits ae deplorable and destructive state of religious dlscord and fury as the Irish . la the glorious war of tha American BsTotation , Washington saw that a separation of the two eooatctos would giv « to America all the advantages ot Sngllsh eommerse . unfettered by English debt , and tbe tnunmelsof England ' s continental connexions .
If we add the above description of Ireland as she was , to " Publioola V description of Ireland as she is , we may fairly say that never was there so good for nothing a people . However , we find America was and Ireland is , aad Ireland is and America was , just what suits the Dispatch and the London Liverymen jwt now . Nothing bat ( he oonfidenoe of one aocustomed to circulate large quantities of p » pcr , and to discount a Tart amount of nonsense npon credit , could have Induced Publicola" to endorse so much rank nonsense as we find in his denial of the analogous condition of the two eousttries . Bat let
us take the " re atire subjects" in detail . The Americans were a rich , the Irish are a poor nation . " From what source does w PubUoola" derive his information , that America was rich when she straggled for her independence ! If , indeed , a fertile soil is proof ef . wealth , America was blessed with riches , but Ireland has a soil not exceeded by any country in fertility . That Ireland U and is ' not poor , we learn from " Publioola . " She ia rich eaough to afford " pelf , " but too poor tolive alone . " The Americans tetrt free from debt , and Ireland is involved in embarrassments . " Now the fact is , that America wm i poor nation when
she struggled for her independence , and Ireland had lsrge resources in her treasury in 1782 , and owed not one farthing . " America had an infinitive soil to bring under cultivation , Ireland has none . " So had Rowkson Ckcsoe ; but one aere would have been as profitable as his whole island for want of population . But has Ireland no soil to bring ander cultivation 1 Does Publioola" understand the difference between -reclaiming and improving land 1 If not , we will instruct him . Ireland has a vast extent of valuable land to reclaim , as w « ll as nearly toe wbole arable ( wperfknw to improve . The soil of Ireland , from the rudeaeea of implements of husbandry , uncertainty of tenure , and want of that
eooouragenwnt which a domestic proprietary and a domestic legislature afford , is in a maiden Btato , merely scratched upon the surface , by forced stimulants , instead of bein / r renewed by beingtallowed , or otherwise more extensively Improved . Three or four inches beneath the surface It * Ireland ' s mines , capable of being coined into sterling value , when allowed to keep house for herself , and rid of her too expensive guests , an oligarchy and as hierarchy •—two visitors that would soon break the wealthiest host . The substratum is untouched ; and that which labour would turn into productive soil is a mere u caput mortu \ m » for ., want of tenure , which is a bar to the expenditure of any capital , or more labouT
than wilt keep the tenant in , and the landlord out , by abstaining from too enticing Improvement . Nature gives to all people an inheritance , and capital to work it . Land is the inheritance , labour is the capital . Ireland has the inheritance , and her capital i 8 in etery pair of Irish arms . If English oligarchical eannexion , doubtful tenure , a law church , and all aristocratio restrictions were removed from their wrists , the land , which is held upon the caprioe of a political landlord , will be dear at ton shillings an acre , and will grow from bad to worse ; while the same land held in perpetuity would be worth a pound an acre and would be improved by the expenditure of labour .
" America had an abundance of capital and facilities of enticing foreign capital to her shores . " Iu whose possession was the capital ? That is , in whose possession would the capital have been if there was any ! Not in the possession of the Americaus , who joined in , and conducted the revolution , for we find that , after the battle of Trenton , large numbers of the volunteers , whose time of service had expired , to the amount of fourteen hundred , were only prevailed upon , by a promised gratuity of ten paper dollars a man , to serve six months laager . This contract does not betoken much riches .
Tho terms " volunteer" and •* paper dollars" remind us that we do not read any where of the Irish , who , according to "Publioola , " fought se bravely in 1798 , having required any gratuity ; but , on the contrary , they were a whole nation of " volunteers , " fighting for their country and their rights . Again , we learn the shocking suffering and deplorable condition of the Americans , from themselves , iu their address to the inhabitants of Great Britain ; not distress brought on by revolt , but revolt brought ou by distress ; and th « y ask in their address whether their injuries may not one day affect the mother country . We find in the following declaration of
Lord North in tho Honse of Commons in 1775 , proof , most convincing , that America was even too poor to be robbed by the English oligarchy . He says , that " so far were the Americans from being bttr thened with revenues of any kind , that ono Englishman pays fifty times as much money to the public expense as any man in America . " Now , by ne possibility could stronger proof of poverty be shown than in England declining to enforce the payment of taxes from any portion of her subjects * Again , we find that in order to defray the expense of an army establishment , the Congress issued paper money .
Weqaote these things from history , not from the warped imaginations of hired eavesdroppers , paid to revile Ireland , aud everything Irish . Ireland w now a poor nation , and so will every nation cursed with the protection of a money-mongering Parliament abroad , and a blood-sucking church at home ; with an absentee landed proprietary , satisfied with taking what a heartless attorney and expensive law proceedings can Bqueeie out of the residue , making up the deficit of rent by political plunder , and justifying oppression by the bitterest reviling of those by whose industry they live , and by whoso folly they are
made great . The Irish aristocracy , as regards country , have as much to boast of as any class of men , yet are the degenerate wretches ever heaping contumely upon the land ef their birth . and contempt upon themselves by desertion of so noble a race as the Irish . The reason of their hatred to Ireland will be found under that veil whioh hypocrisy is always compelled to throw over oppression . In Ireland ' s misery and wretchedness , they recognise their own oppression and misrule , and justify
tyranny by necessity . Taat America had no capital but the fertility of her soil , aud the industry of her people , we have already shown ; and aa to her facilities of M entieinp" ( we thank " Publicola " for the term ) capital to her shores , the benefit « f allurement was pretty much that ef the sparrow ' s , that was tied by the legs to a trap for the purpose of " enticing" a hawk into the snare ; but let the following extract from the Parliamentary records of the day prove America ' s Bhare of the advantages of foreign trade : —
" The Parliament passed a law in the beginning of the year 1764 , which , whilst it rendered the Intercourse of the Americans with other colonies , In some retpects legal , loaded the beat port of it with such heavy duties u amounted to a total prohibition . " How very * enticing 1 " But why need we thus multiply proofs , wheu " Publicola" must be aware that the Americans made the increasing poverty of their country under English domination the justifitation of their revolt .
'" Ireland is destitute of one and tho repulsion ef tha other . ' Here again we have the w / Aye , and it is because Ireland has been made destitute of that one ( capital ) by her couuexion / with England , that
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she now seeks to be divorced ; bat the want of capital is the only " repulsion . ' * Bat the trap and the carrion crows will flock to the prey . We find no " repulsion" proved by the unlading of Irish steamers on the Liverpool and other English quays . Repulsion begins where interest oeases . "Publicola '' has already informed as how far repulsion operates upon English merchants , ; when even a "fractional profit" ifl in the wind . English capitalists ^ do not go to a , " goat ' s" house to look after wool ; hut | 4 aoe even a glimmer of hope of a fractional profit , " in the centre of the shocking county of TipperaTy . and we would soon see an
army of "fractional" English crusaders , braving all the horrors of Black-feet , White-feet , Bare-feet , Biack . Doy * Wtote-boySjPeep > of ^ and all the boys , en route , to plunder . Do they not now , by PublicolaV own admission , face all the dangers of the frigid and the torrid zone , in quest of the mere hope > f a "fractional profit ! ' Do they hot go to Buenos Ayres , Chili , Peru , the Cape , Jamaica , and New South Wales , and all over the world } where there are backs to wear shirts , and in quest of other places to Had more backs to cover Where the carrion is , there will the kites be—where the profit it , there will tho merchants of Manchester be found .
" If you hae a matd to wed , Gle her but the name o' siller ; Plaoe her apon KUtick top , And the wind will blaw a man until her . " "The Americans i ## r » an united people , the Irish arc the most disunited that ever existed . ** How marvellously appropriately our friend can use the past and prewat time tot present purpose * . The whole of ¦ ¦ ¦ " PublicolaV volley is random shot—one continuous hedge-fire of successive blunders . But the Americansuw £ united , thei Irisharenot . Letushave the proof of American Union . We give the following from history : —
H The Congress removed from Philadelphia to Baltimore in Maryland , Dissentions prevailed among them , relative to the Declaration of Independency , and some of the members repaired to the JitngUsh Commissioners for protection . . / la this proof of union , even among the leaders , at so critical a period ! Bat of the Irish . •* They are the mos , disunited that ever existed . " If they are disunited the power of English gold and oppression , added to Irish treachery , and an Irish State Church , have done their work efficiently ; but that they are horribly united , will be found ia the fact , that the Tory oligarchy of England dreads Irish unanimity upon the qutttion of •» RepeaL "
So muck for their present uniou ; and as to what they were in 1798 , we will add one word to the high notions of Irish bravery , and disregard of danger , already admitted by M Publicola'' as a proof of savage ferocity . But , let as ask , if a hired army of mercenaries had behaved as nobly as the Irish did in 1798 , what would have been their reward T Instead of receiving the sneering taunts of scribes , the Commander-in-chief would have wanted words to convey any adequate notion of the courage , the daring . and the magnanimity ef the troops . We give the following aa bettor proof of Irish union than any that Publicola" can rfte :-
H In February , 1797 , when Lord Moire , in the Irish House of Lords , proposed the abandonment of the frightful system of coercion then practised by the oligarchy , and the adoption of conciliatory measures , it was matter of doubt in the Parliament , whether or not a conspiracy existed in Ireland , although conspiracy was at that moment , and had been for Jive years , in busy operation amongst a miserable , half-starved population of nearly three millions of men and women ; and so loyal were these noble creatures to their engagementa , that though infidelity would have made their fortunes , and earned for them the title of saviours of their country , yet did they prefer death with honour , to life and wealth accompanied by shame . " So much for union then and now , and now aud then .
" Pabucola" proceeds : — " America possessed religioug liberty in fact and in spirit ; while no nation ou earth exhibits ao deplorable and destructive a state of religious discord and fury as the Irish . " Let us test this assertion by Act of Parliament . We extract the following from the Parliamentary records of the times : — M As the recess was approaching in 1774 , a Bill was presented for the more effectual provision of the Government of the province of Quebec , in Nor th America . One of its provisions was , permission to the Roman Catholic Clergy to
exercise their religion , subject to the King ' s supremacy , and enabling them to enjoy and receive their accustomed dues and rights from persons professing the Romish religion . " So much for the existence of religious liberty , in fact and in spirit , in America . And now a word upon the subject of Irish disunion upon religious subjects . The Irish Catholics are as much united as it is possible for men to be ; hence has the repeal agitation become so formidable . If they were disunited , " Publicola" need not have troubled himself with ono remark upon the subject . The Protestants and the Catholics of
Irelaud are &s much disunited , aa the most pious and devout Christian belonging to tho State Establishment could desire . The Protestauts themselves are only united as opposed to the Catholics ; so that , ia our oonclasion , we may fairly remind " Publicola " of tho unanimous juryman , who differed from his eleven obstinate brethren , who remained , novertholess , perfectly united . Dues not " Publicola" know full woll , that noBMme has been left unturned to accomplish the most complete disunion between Catholic and Protestant ? and does he not know that such is the main object of that mystery which he professes to despise I
Now , to close our commentary upon so much of the "xelrtive subjects , " we beg onr rcadow to receive , » our general reply to " Publicola , " hia own worus , which run thus : — " In th » glorloas war of the American revolution , Washington saw that a separation of the two countries would give to Anittrica all the advantages of English commerce , unfettered by English debt , and the trammels of Euglaai ' a continental connexions . " Now , 1 st ua substitute the word Ireland for America , in the above passage , and that of the Irish Directory for Washington , and we have the true cause of the Irish rebellion , . and the just cause for demanding a repeal of so disastrous a connexion .
Having aiBpoBed of the discrepancies between the rolativo qeadition of tho two countries , Publicola ' * roams in a wider field for exeroise , and presently returns to mercantile details , in whioh he is as much at eoa as in his " relative subjects , " not a siugle one of his positions being touable . " Publioola" proceeds : — "Tliere was a period when Ireland could
export nothing , because she had nothing to expert . Ab her civilization increased , Oor proof ot increased civilization , see our extract from " Publicola's ' letter , ) uhe became an exporting country ; and if she exports to Eugland , as her patriots assert , nearly twice as much ad she used to do before the Union , it only proves that the Umou has had an immensely beuencial effect upon the productive capaaitieB of the country . "
Now , if Mr . Mooney deserves the name of " Mooncalf , ' what name shall we give to " Publicola" ! Sir Isaac Newton was a fool to him ! We ask "Publicola" whether the increased civilisation of ^ obimsom Crvsob and his man Fhiday , or the addittonof two more persons to their Republic , would have most tended to the increased cultivation of theijrjflland ; for be it remembered that before the Union tbi population of Ireland was considerabl y under four millions , while it ia now fully eight millions . ' Therefore , four millions , as regards produotion , ait to eight aa Robinson and Fbiday would be to IRobinson and Friday and two more .
Every pettyjstate in the world , except Ireland , is allowed its hare in the great and prodigious improvements ( flatter years ; but as regards Ireland , a fine harvet , a good crop of potatoes , a fine day , and empty g ) ols , because there happens to be nothing to steal , att all the Union , the Union , the Union . As we ha > M > not disposed of " PublicolaV " cured fish , " we nur despatch them with an anecdote . The English olifarchy say Ireland flourishes , and l hat its prosperity is consequent upon tho Union ; the Irish , who eight to know best , say that Ireland iu in
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a state of slavish ruin . An English nobleman and an Irish peasant happened to meet one day , and in travelling together through a portion of the best part of Ireland , the nobleman having discovered Paddy ' s horror of the Union , ascribed everything good to that measure ; Paddy , quite the reverse ; when , at last , the nobleman said , "Why , Paddy , some of you foolg go bo far with your love of country as to s&y , that there never has been a good take of herrings in Dublin bay since the Union , f True for them , then your honour , " said Pat , where the devil would the craythurs be coining to now , since there ' s no one to eaithem ?'" - : " ' . - ¦ ¦ ' : V" " : : \ ' 'V ' . ; \
Has England increased nothing in exports and imports 1 In W 19 , the exports of England were short of two millioRB and a half yearly . James I . was obliged to compel his people of fashion to wear fine English cloth , it was in suoh poor credit . The customs of England , in Chablks the First ' s time , amounted to £ o 00 , 000 yearly ; in 1653 , the Post-office of the three kingdoms was farmed at ten thousand pounds a year . Lord Clarxndon tolls us , "that in 1665 the whole trade of England could not supply above twelve thousands a year to Frankfort and Cologne , nor above twenty thousand a month to Hamburg . " What is the trade of England now ! In good truth , her prosperity may be attributed in a great measure to the Union .
We do not understand the " Harlequinwandtsm , " or Union eonjuration of •? Publicola , " which would attribute every thing " immensely beneficial" to the Union , while he draws the most gloomy and horrifying picture of the country . ? Tubfic © Vvasks , ^ " With what could Ireland supply France , Holland , Spain , the countries of the Mediterranean , or of America ! " He answers thus : — " Nothing whatever . Would she send her butter and pork to Holland—her wheat to Poland— -her Limerick gloves to France—her linen to Russia—or her potatoes any where !"
AU the explanation to be afforded upon this head , has been supplied by •* Publioola , " when a little farther on in his " relative subjects , " ho informs us of the risks by flood and field , which the Manches ter merchants now ran for a mere M fractional profit . " Ireland would not send any of those things to any of those places , neither would London send coals to Newcastle , stockings to Nottingham , cleth to Leeds , calico to Manchester , gloves to Woodstock , or saws to Sheffield . Nor would the " fractional merchants" allow Ireland to be blockaded while one man wanted breeches , and had a pig to give in return . No , no :
" 11 Paddy has a pig b » Mil , — Gle ' era but the smell of bacon , And hang him bv the heel * in h—1 , By those Merduud * hell be taken . " Neither butter , beef , pork , wheat , or even potatoes , will be allowed to rot within fifty-fotr miles of a country obliged to gallop all over the world for a morsel to eat , while her children are shut out from producing the best of every thing at home . It is now high time to give over this groping in the dark after foreign commerce ,
while we begin to look a little mote after domestic comfort in clear daylight . M Publicola" has followed in the fashionable notion , that the poor of all countries are to live bat for the benefit of the rieh . Ireland could manage very well with her own beef , wheat , butter , pork , linen , &c . ; and , in truth , we see but little benefit she now derives from her commerce with the world , further than to make the abject poverty of her poor a plausible pretext for not taxing her rich , and allowing them to have certain articles of imported luxury npon much better
terms than their Enxligbneighbours . One would really imagine that the Repeal of the Union meant that Ireland was to be excommunicated by the whole world ; while the fact is , that nothing but a domestic legislature ever can effect an equitable adjustment of debts and rents , which would enable Ireland to send her produce into the English market cheaper than Holland , Poland , Russia , or America , with less freightage , insurance , and all other risks . The great changes whioh are hourly taking place are but so many preliminaries to an equitable adjustment ,
whereby the producers of all nations will insist upon putting their own houses is order first ; England , without reference to Turkey » nd China- ; and Ireland , without reference to Russia or Holland . If the rich want luxuries , they must be an after-consideration ; let the dinner come first , and then if we can afford a dessert well and good . Ireland has no noxious animals but Church parsons , and strangers would not consider that the repeal of the Union had created a pestilence , when , by its operation , Ireland had rid itself of its only poisonous animals . We are prepared to prove that
Ireland loses more than thirty millions yearly by the Union ; while the working classes of England receive twenty millions less in wages every year than they would if Irishmen had work at home . Why do we ask for Universal Suffrage ! Not because it is a popular hobby , but because it would do justly those things , which without it other classes would do unjustly—because it would * produce a repeal of the Com Laws , with suitable accompanying measures , and the Ballot as a protection for innocence , instead of being a mask for vice . Why do we ask for a repeal of the Union ?
Firstly , npon the principle that no country can be so well governed by strangers as by natives . Secondly , because Ireland never was a willing party to the Union . Thirdly , because she is able to obtain a divorce ; and it is better to part friends , than separate in strife . Fourthly , because it has been well observed , that " three millious of Irian slaves would rivet Britain's chains , " and she is now near the mark . Fifthly , because most men call out against a State Church , and Ireland ' s staff of that establishment is the one " pustula , " the " pock , " which most materially keeps up the general fever , and from which all nations axe supplied with infection .
Sixthly , because Repeal of the Union would repeal the Corn Laws , and would reduce rents , debts , and impositions to their proper level . Seventhly , because it would , in . time , destroy that worst of all laws , the law of primogeniture . Eighthly , because it would remove the necessity of poor laws ; it would remove crime ; want , filth , destitution ,. and DEPRAVITY from the laud ; it would make the upper classes vie in good workm , and emulate in improvement , instead of contending for the palm in all works of oppression , aud in abase of their country ., Ninthly , because justice demands it , and should have it .
Aud , lastly , becau 8 e ' Publicola , *' anablo writer upon other subjects , though bund just now dpok this , has drawn a picture of Ireland , whioh nothing but misrule could have brought her to , and which nothing but repeal can alter . Notwithstanding the sneers of " Publicola" at Mr / Moonsy ' s overcharged account of profit and loss , we undertake to prove that , in one of her staple exports , small farmers in Ireland lose more than three-hundred per cent , for the want of that retail market , which nothing but a domestic legislature can supply . Henceforth , nations , like families , must be judged of from their conduct at home . The tyrant at the fire-side is the greatest sycophant in society . The despot at home , is tho greatest coward abroad .
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THE PRESS AND THE LATE GLASGOW DEMONSTRATION .
Tub British Associationvconsisting of the learned and tho curious of all nations , assembled at Glasgow the week before last . Their numbers aid wealth , as compared to the-numberB end value of those who attended the Chartist demonstration , which took place on Monday week , wa 3 but insignificant . The subjects which they met to discuss were uninteresting , as compared to the magnitude and importance Of those groat and mighty questions deliberated upon by the Chartists . Their ^ speeches , however , ocoupy some hundreds cf columns in the Whig and
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Tory press of the empire , while the procee&M of 300 . 0 W hard-working , pea <^ loving , indaatrieii men , pet to disooss theig righto , eannot mw *^ one Biggie eolnmn pi the establishment . ; W « eat the advertising press the " establishment "; and , much as they may alternately revile and scoff at % State Church and State Priest ^ as may best suit tbjji taate , their interests , or their whims , if there is * choice of evils , give us the most crucifying church and an independent press , in preference to freedom of religious thought , with the civil bondage of a cornnt press . '¦ ' {' ¦¦¦ ¦ ¦• ¦ . ¦ ¦ . ¦ . V . - ' ¦'¦ ¦ '¦ ' ¦ ¦ ¦ ' / ' "
Never was moral more applicable than is that of the lisble of the boy in the » pple tree to the present insult , ing conduct of tb « press towards the people . Long , very long , have tho plundered used words and sof * persuasion , to induce those in the tree to come down , bat all to no purpose ; the clods will come at last and th « n the stones : and when all is confusion , the press will in vain attempt to curb the just indignation whioh its profligacy has roused . There ia no conspiracy so deadly as the silent conspiracy of theprees . There is no tyranny so bold as that of the press . There is no ascendancy so destructive to liberty as the ascendancy of a corrupt newspaper press . Then is no foe bo difficult to grapple with
—no enemy so false—no friend so deceitful . The debaucheepreachesmorality ; the drunkard temperance * the infidel Christianity ; the gambler prudence ; the thief honesty ; the bawd modesty ; and the fool wisdom in the press . All its shots come from a masked battery . We seldom see character truly painted in the press . The vioea of the friend are veiled , while the virtues of the toe are concealed . If the press could not silence complaint , it could soften anger ; but it heeda not the wrath ofan insulted people . Prejudice is its stock in trade—the only marketable commodity at its disposal—and none so productive as that which by its insolence it creates inflames and perpetuates between toe different classes ol
society . Why , or wherefore , this deadly silence nowl Scotland has been tranquUj no Chartist trials there ; no outbreak . Is the antipathy , then , against the people ! No , it cannot ; because the same press reported- tha proceedings of the same people when they graced the triumph of Lord Dueham ; and again , when they threw up their caps for Daniel O'Conmkll . What , then , is the eanse of this great and mighty change ! Why , we have said it . When they met in hundreds of thousands before
, they met but to do honour to men ; now they met to do honour to principle . If Beodghah , or O'Cox * keix , or the Great Mogul had been the great man of the day , the press would not have been silent , and why ? Because the press knows well , that such men preach politics with the same view that a poacher uses a partridge call , —merely to snare the birds But the birds have , got too old to be caught , therefore th « poachers stay at home , and the . press fe silent . Bat what a triumph for the people , and what an oversight ef the Argus-eyed press , to have seized so
inopportune an occasion to treat Chartism with contempt . Not only were foreigners there from all parts of the world , bat enemies were there from all parts of the kingdom . « West-Briton Hica * ( MoNTKiGLE ) was perched npon the Exchange steps ; Lord Sahdoh , on behalf of the Tories , was also there . If the press be dumb , these noblemen were not blind . They must have anticipated a scant report of their literature in the Glasgow pres 3 ; naturally supposing that the more important considerations attending the demonstration of a city ' s population , would occupy their columns for at least one week . Was it so 1 No ,
truly . We have now some half dozen out of the eleven of the" establishment' ? published in Glasgow before us , and nearly all are silent , while one fellow , who scribbles nouBense for 27 s . a week , devotes twelve words to the expression of his mortification . In another place , we give the remarks of the Scott Timet upon this the mofit important meeting ever held in the empire ; and from that we learn , that what is below the notice of ehirtlesa , hired scribblers , has •» settled the supremacy of Char tism in Scotland . '* Of course , we do not include the manly and independent Patriot and the very trumpet of liberty ( the Chartist Circular j in the establishment . " No ; we call them the Dissenters of the press .
What will foreigners say now , when they read a report of the utter failure of Chartist demonstrations , and when those demonstrations an laughed at in St . Petereburgh , Vienna , Paris , and Brussels ! What must those who witnessed tho unnoticed proceedings of the 21 st of September , at Glasgow , say ! Why , if sixty words are spent iu the | announoement of a Chartist failure , those who were eye-witnesses must say , there may have been , and probably was , a million , because I saw a meeting of 200 , 000 dispatched in just one-fifth of the space ; or if that w » s a failure , what notion must those foreigners have of a Chartist meeting that is notafailure !
In what a lamentable and unconsolable situation the " sana culottes" of the Scotch press hava placed Lords Montbagle and Sandon by their fraud . These sprigs of political faction cannot longer plead ignorance of the strength , the peacefulness , the demeanour , the ardour , and the determination of the Chartists . No , no ; thanks to the dumb-bellt of Scotland , these two and many others are now
purchasers with notice . The Scotch now know , that their rulers are aware of their true feeiings . The press , properly managed , could have deferred the dreadful catastrophe of its own exposure , and the new responsibility added to Monteaglk and the Whiga , and Saicdok and the Tories , by thus patting them in possession of the mode and manner in whioh 20 \) , 000 working men have been treated by the press .
This is tho moral power by whioh Chartism is to be crushed ! O , if the British Association } if the Queen , or her Ministera ; if all parties unitedly , but the people , had mastered such a show for delusion , instead of for work , what would havo been the state of the " establishment ' s " columns ? The British Association must ban adjourned for want of the press gang . " Not one of the Eaglisfi " establishment , " except the Leeds Times , has even noticed the pro * ceeding ; and let the Fox and Goose Club read the following comment upon a meeting of 200 , 090 of tho geese whom they ask to join in their club . The Leeds Times thus reports their proceedings : —
"While the scientific part of the community irerj thus engaged , tho towa was excited by a numeroof band or Chartists , who , assembling in trades with fiagf and banners , inarched in procession through * ome J * the principal streets to Anderston , there to mm Messrs . Loyett and Collins , after which they retained to the green , and after some harangues quietly dispersed Messrs . Collins and Lovett were entertained to dins * in the evening by a party of their friends . " But , mayhap , this is a "typographical error ; " LovsiCp who happens to be in Cornwall , standing ( ot M'Douall and Whits , who were in his place .
The relative value to the people of Irish and British agitation , will be found in the fact , that the whole press , both Whig and Tory , look upon Itw speech * of O'Conns&l , and every link of his political drag chain , as nuts , to the circulation of whioh they devote column after column , well knowing that ir » all intended for froth ; while they refow ; *« ^ the most powerful movement ever known to exist , under their very nose . And why 1 Because it i » f « change . O'Comnjuj . is to the press e 8 tabMm « H what tho devil fa to the church establishment * * ¦ ~ ~ ~ * ~ ••^ p ^ m . y n ¦¦¦ # w ¦¦ # * . ^^¦ ¦ ^ ¦ ^ ^^^^^ .
^^ great " God-send . " We understand that the w » services of Jeremy Diddler ( Parson Bbkwsier ) *?" devoted to the assistance of the press-gang , by M dwg high-sounding nothings to the silence of the pre » . But aehher the "Bow , wow , wow , " of r *" BaEWSTna , the insolence of our rulers , nor yw «*• " Dumb-bells of Scotland , " can pluck one , d « ey one , feather from the wing of Chartisni . w » ^* press and its dupes bear in mind that clods ra ^ words , as sure as smoke precedes the fl *** ;^ , - ,, causes the presentavtfidfiresi THE PRESb-Beware ! Beware I ! Beware !! I
The Northern Star Satckdat, October 3. 1840.
THE NORTHERN STAR SATCKDAT , OCTOBER 3 . 1840 .
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t 4 frsl N'bRtHfehy siliit , . . , .... .- ¦ ,- ¦ - '¦ - . ¦ ¦¦ - , ; - •• - ~ - I
Mr. O'Connor's Portrait .
MR . O'CONNOR'S PORTRAIT .
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), Oct. 3, 1840, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/king-y1kbzq92ze2704/page/4/
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