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h l of Hardwicke ddressed th the determi...
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THE STRIKE IN THE BUILDING TRADES,
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street Uaymarket Pr^AD0DG^L M'G<WA», . «f 18, Qrca Wlndltfu
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street, Uaymarket, in the Cit y of Westm...
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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' *( Continued fwi the First Page . ) away in iniscry in manufacturing towns , then to add to the other grievances of competition—pressing down the rate of wages of both the agricultural and the nisEni ' acturimj operatives—reducing theia far below that > tandard which would exist had each Earty been allowed to occupy its own sphere . ( Hear , ear . ) The first thing the landowner would be obliged to do would be to dismiss a certain portion of his establishment the necessity of the ease would demand the sacrifice , however painful , for , let it be borne in mind , that whatever may be said against the landlords of this csuntry , it cannot be stated of them they are a class of men who are guilty of either accumulatins or of hoarding their wealth . (" Hear , hear , " and cheers . ) On the contrary , they spend their incomes in a becoming manner , so as to diffuse
the largest amount of comfort among all e ' 3566 ^ («« Hear , hear , hear , " and cheers . ) But we are told that , bv reducing tiie amount of employment , we are only aJ < . ; , £ !« g the principles of free trade . (« " »» hear . 1 What is this principle of free trade ? Is it io dismiss every man * bat maybe deemed useless or unprofitake . and to employ no man beyond that tnumber whirh may be absolutely required to produce a certain profit to the employer ; ( Hear , lear ) Wjs there to be no consideration tor those tenant-farmer who had resided on the same lands , perhaps , for Sftv years or more ? None whatever . ( Oh . ) We are " told it would he more profitable to have « r-. e large farm than three small ones , and , therefore tasaet on that principle the command -would -jo forth to pull down the small houses of human
beings in order to carry out the principle of large farms . ( Ifrsr , hear . ) By such a procedure , if jiermitfed . ? . i ? burdens of the country would be only increased ; ft ? r , even should your feelings revolt at such a system , Vr . z law imposes on yon the burden , and it imposes it on yon exclusively , to maintain , not only the agricultural poor , but also the poor manufacturing opersJives . But I have too high an opinion ofthe . landiords or England to suppose they would act on such a principle . I believe they will afford to the very utmost all the employment they can give to those whoar-. ; in need in their respective localities { Hear , hear . ) The landlords know they have not to deal with stocks or witli stones—they know they nave to deal with human beings who have the same attachments , the same feelings , and the same
affections and sympathies as themselves . I do not believe under ihe pressure of the greatest difficulties , the landlords of England would adopt , even for their own nrorcctjon , that hated selfishness , those doctrines of political economy , which are in such high repute in particular quarters . ( " Hear , lhear , ; hear , " and cheers . ) But should the system be adopted in England , if yen venture to recommend to the people of England , will you dare to advise its adoption for Ireland , the bulk of whese population consists of small farmers , varying from one to twelve or fifteen acres ; men who exist in the land , who have no capital , who admit they cannot pay half that rent which the possession of capital and skill would enable them fe do ? ( Hear , hear . ) Will you carry into Ireland your doctrines of political economy ? If you
do the lasciords will suffer the clearance system 1 have heard " denounced , and most justly . But in Ireland , your doctrine will produce a wholesale application of thai system . ( Hear , hear . ) Ton may make much mors money—you may endeavour to preserve yourselves frem all loss by turning off your Irish tenants—yon may endeavour to exhaust generation after generation—you may starve them out of possessiou—butwould such a course be attempted , would It be legalised bylaw ? Be would be a bold minister who would . "dvise it—he would be a hardy man who would attempt to carry it intoeffect . ( " JJear , hear , hear , " and ^ ehee rs . ) And do you tellme that the re - peal of the Com Laws out to be brought forward as measure of relief to Ireland . It might be in soree resnects argued that it would be a measure of relief
to England—yes , it might in a degree be a benefit to her population , not hut I doubt it in the long run . ( Hear . ) But to apply it to Ireland , which exclusively exports her agricultural produce , which is entirely an export , and not an » import country—to tell me that you are benefiting Ireland by reducing the tariff on her exports to the amount of £ 2 , 000 , 000 a year is a proposition -too monstrous to be entertained for one moment . ( Hear , hear , } The neh-. e Lord then showed the injurious effects of the measure npon the colonies . From a return which was laid before the House of Commons in 1845 , it appears that the colonial trade is exclusively carried on in British ships , by Briiish seamen , and givingthe profitsofthetradeonbothsidestoBritUhsubjectsexclu sively . Tiio exports in 1841 amounted to £ 14 , 347 , 000 .
( Hear . ) R'hen you thus look at the amount of the export trade , will you destroy that principle of Protection which secures so large an amount of trade to this country ? ( Hear , hear . ) If you do , you destroy the whole of that basis on which our colonial system rests . ( Hoar , hear . ) If you do not know the advantages of yonr colonies , I tell yon Napoleon Buonaparte " knew these advantages well . ( Hear , hear . ) By your colonial system being based on the principle of Protection you have extended your arms—I do not mean yeur military arms , I mean your commercial arms ; and you have extended them to every corner of the globe . ( Hear , hear . ) To your colonial system you owe ail you posses ? . Tour owe your power and influence wherever the flag of England floats , wherever her language is heard or uttered—in every clime ,
in every land . ( " Hear , hear , " and cheers . ) In every 2 one in either hemispheres —( "Hear , " and cheers)—the power and the sovereignty of Britain are acknowledged . Wherever that language is known , wherever that flag waves aloft , there you recognise those who participate in your common interests , who share in your glory , who sympathise in your adversity , who ' are proud to bear a part in your burdens , to be embraced within the arms of your commercial policy . They are proud , I say , to feel themselves to be themembersof your greatand imperial Zollrerein . ( Immense cheering . ) Mr . Cobden denounced the system of mutual protection , which he said was mutual robbery . I am not of that opinion . It may be a system where each sacrifices something to the profits of hade , for the purpose of ensuring reciprocity and a certainty of profit on both sides . I think It Is a security against foreign interference—againsi
foreign hostilities and foreign caprice . Neither do I think it will appear in the long run that that principle is very sound which enjoins us to buy under all circumstances in the cheapest and sell in the dearest market . But sure 1 am , that whatever disadvantage is sustained by a trifling increase in price to the home consumer on colonial produce , or vice versa by the loss incurred by the colonist in purchasing ; British goods exclusively , thatdisadvantageischeap ly purchased hv the extent of power which we acquire by our system all over the world ~ by our having in every quarter friends , allies , aud confederates—by having a certainty of employment and a certainty of consumption not to be interfered with by foreign competition—by the amount of Briiish shipping engaged—by the vast number of seamen employed , v . ho are ready to give additional power and strength to this country whenever required . Yes , taking into account all these things , 1 must declare that I concur with Mr . Cobden
mhio representation , that h not , indeed a mutual ( robbery , but a mutual insurance . ( Loud cheers . ) My Lords , I say again , that upon this very system of Protection rests the whole of your colonial system . Isay , 'it rests upon it far more than pecuniary reasons . ( Hear , hear . ) I know very well the political economists say . '' Cast off Protection—let there be Free Trade all over the world—g ive full advantages to Eree Trade—let us have no Protection imposed for the maintenance of our colonies—cast the colonies aw * v . " My Lords , I say adopt that system . I do not doubt the loyalty of the colonics . I do not doubt even their attachment ; but I say you shall then have done all in your power to weaken the attachment , to loosen the bands which tie the colonies to tne mother couatrv ( Hear hear . ) But once grant commercial
. , independence , and , you may rely upon it , they have made a step towards political independence . With rcard to Canada , we were going to break oar promises to her , and more , we were about to destroy the communication by the St . Lawrence , and to make New York the channel ef our communication with Upper Canada ; whilst the United States saw our suicidal policy , and were taking advantage of it . His Lordship continued t—When I am told it is essential to the manufacturing prosperity of this country that there should be perfect Free Trade , I must presume that if you deprive colonial produce of all protection , you cannot with any sort of fairness keep up a differential duty in favour of VOUr own produce in the colonies . You could not ho ffoilty of such g ross , such glaring injustice . Free
Trade must be mutual—one-third of the goods exported go to the colonies . Now hear what Mr . Gregg says , hi ? is a member of the Anti-Corn Law League and a manufacturer . The noble Lord then went on to quote from Mr . Gregg , who said that the British Tjunufacturer could no longer compete with the foreigner in the neutral markets . At present Mr . Gregg said , we are undersold by the foreigner in the neutral markets in all the staple manufactures of this country , in cottons , hosiery , cutlery , & c . In cotton we were beaten by the Swiss—in cutlery by the Alsatians—in hosiery by the Saxons . The natives of Saxony have driven us from the European market to a great extent . In hosiery we used to supply three-fourths of the American market—we now sjarcely supply our own . The Saxons after paying a duty of twenty-five per cent ., cannndcr-sell
the produce of our . Nottingham looms . In Leicester the stocking trade had sunk from 1 C 15 to 1440 frames ' , whilst in Saxony the number of frames increased during the same period from 4 , 590 to . 25 , 000 . The English paid 2 s . 6 d . for the same work that the French got done for 2 | d . With respect to recovering our lost superiority , Mr . Gregg went on to say , that he did not believe that in any case we could recover it . " I do not believe ihat with respect to woollens or hosiery we can do so , and even in cutlery or cotton it is very doubtful . " Now let it not be * forgotten ( continued the Noble Lord ) that we have at present a market which takes one-third of our exports—that whilst the home consumption is as regards foreign exports as 5 to 2 , we are now called upon to pass a measure which will effectually damage that home market—( Hear , hear ) by taking front them Protec-
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tion which they at present enjoy . _ l _ th f ' . lords— : ' . 'i-: ¦ - ¦¦;¦ :: '"'¦ '' ' . !* , "'~ : ~ ' > t " The force of folly can no fnrtner . 'io . ' .. - -, -, / t iii , T J 11 trust , then , your Lordships ( Laughter and cheery ) ^^ J ^ j ^ f aUacy £ f will not te led *™ y £ oJ % m B 0 t sacrifice the home Free Trade . I *™ J Jg , aacrifice the colonies , inld ' usionfhKrdship made a powerful appeal i ?* w » 3 a lonfe who went with him in his argu-Sen \ ° ld ° SSovedofand were alarmed at this measure , and yet , for various reasons , were prepared to vote for it , against a blind deference to the authority of the other house , which , according to its recorded votes , had repeatedly negatived this measure . Such a sudden conversion diminished confidence in the last vote .
I must ( said his lordship ) say , that thb sudden conversion must tend to diminish the value I attach to the last vote of the House of Commons . ( Loud and prolonged cries of " Hear , hear , " and great cheering ) I regard the decision of the House of Commons , not because it is the decision of men more or less educated or enlightened , but because it is the decision of the representatives of public opinion in this country , and if I am to be bound by any decision of that house it is that which they gave in 1841 , and correctly represented the feelings of those who returned them . Those who disapproved of the measure , and yet support it from feelings of attachment to the Government , and to the noble Duke , to them , I say I sympathise with their feelings , but I cannot assent to the justice of them . ( Hear , hear . ) The
interests that are at stake are too great to be complimented , arising out of deference to any Minister ' s , or for mere personal considerations . ( Hear , hear . ) Rely upon it that it never can be ultimately for the good of the public interest that this house should sacrifice its own deliberate judgment , should turn round npon its own principles and sacrifice its own character lor the purpose of saving a government . ( Hear . ) My conviction is , my Lords , that even so the sacrifice would be made in rain . There never was a government permanently maintained when its existence depend upon the contemptuous sufferance of its opponents—npon the ill-disguised disgust or lukewarm support of its former colleagues . ( Tremendous cheering . ) Some there may be who think that by conceding this measure , they will put an
end to agitation , and satisfy the Anti Corn Law League . There cannot be a more futile reasonthere cannot be a greater error . ( "Hear , _ hear , " and cheers . ) "When ever was organised agitation put down by concession—extorted concession ? ( Hear , hear . ) Depend upon it , a body thus organised , thus banded together , will not so easily relinquish political power , when they have tasted the draught and found it to be sweet . ( Hear , hear . ) The passing of this measure would not suppress the Anti-Corn Law League—there would be either that or some other similar body . But , my Lords , there is no secret made of this . What was the language used by Mr . Lawrence Hayworth , who was chairman of a Free Trade meeting held in this City . ( Cheers . ) After talking of the miracle that had been
wrought in the Prime Minister , he says , " But there is something more than corn . The people will begin to ask why the system of levying taxes , by which the comforts of the people are destroyed , should be continued—they begin to ask whether it would not be better to have one tax , a tax on property , and to abolish the Custom-house altogether . " And he suggests that a board may be hoisted , on which should be written , " Honest traders from all ports may land their stuffs here . No taxes—no customs . " ( A laugh . ) He further said , " They had lived to see their cause triumph ; but he would " not have the friends of Free Trade to relax . They must remember that the House of Lords yet lived—it was the stronghold of the aristocracy . They were struggling now forsoracthing more than the maintenance of commercial liberty :
commercial liberty would promote intelligence . After the settlement of the Free Trade question , thepeopL would have more time to agitate for the great principle of universal suffrage . If it were good for commerce to be free , it were good for man to be free—if it were good for cotton and corn to be free , it was good for man to be free . Everything which weakened the aristocracy and which increased the intelligence of the people , " must be in favour of that noble and Christian cause . " And I would wish to call the attention of the Right Rev . Bench to the concluding passage : — "Could they have Free Trade in commerce without Free Trade in religion , or could , whilst such a system of ecclesiastical despotism prevailed as now blinded our country , the time be far distant when the Catholic and the Dissenter would
ask why the Church of Christ should be subject to such trammels ? Freedom of religion , as to be obtained by the separation of Church and State , would be one of the glorious results of Free Trade . " My Lords , if there be one thing more than another which it is difficult to guard against , it is the unworthy fear © f being suspected of dishonourable and interested motives . If I were speaking to an ordinary assembly . I might warn them against being led away by such a fear ; bnt addressing snch an assembly as I ' now have the honour to address , I will only say , be not unduly overrated by the consideration or by the fear that it may he asserted that your personal interests are concerned . My Lords , you are the trustees for far more than personal interests—you are the trustees of the interest of the country —( hear , hear )
—you are the trustess for posterity—you are the trustees for the constitution of tin ' s empire . ( Hear , hear , hear . ) I ask you , then , my Lords , with what face , after votingfor thedestuction of all agricultural protection , will you show yourselves in the midst of men who have hitherto regarded you with respect , whose principles and opinions you have influenced , but who will charge you , and charge you justly , as yon now charge the government , with having misled and betrayed those who trusted you . ( Applause ) My Lords , " if , against your own opinions , you consent to pass this measure , prepare to ^ ahdicate your authority and the high position you occupy in the constitution of this countryj If you will allow yourselves to bs intimidated by a faction , _ however formidable , or induced to give up your opinions at the agitation of
a Minister—however great that Minister might beyou must be prepared hereafter to be considered as a subordinate part of the constitution . Prepare to be regarded as the registrars of the edicts of the House of Commons , and as the blind followers of the Minister of the present day . ( Cheers . ) My Lords , if I know any thjng of the constitution , and of the value of this house , it is , that it should interpose a wholesome and salutary obstacle to rash and inconsiderate legislation . My Lords , if acting upon your own deliberate impartial judgment , you scorn the degrading suspicion of unworthy motives , and you follow that course which , in your conscience , you believe to be for the good of the empire , you may be unsuccessful , but you cannot be contemned : conquered you maybe and overpowered by numbers , but you cannot be degraded ; you may fail in saving the le from the threatened injury , you will secure
peop the approbation of your friends , and command the respect of your opponents . ( Hear , hear . ) lt , _ my Lords , bv the blessing of God upon your exertions , vou should resist the progress of this hasty and illconcerted question , and should give time to the public to express their opinions , and thereby be enabled to bring those now in favour of the measure back to wiser councils ; then , indeed , you will be a proud aristocracy , in having conscientiously discharged the duties imposed upon you . By thus having saved the country from a serious and hazardous experiment , your best reward will be the consciousness of having done your duty ; and you will also have the reward which will arise from a grateful and admiring people , who will exclaim , " Thank God , we have a House of Lords . " ( Immense cheering followed the conclusion of the Ifoble Lord's speech , which lasted for several minutes . )
Lord BnouciMM , who rose to address the house , amidst cries of " Adjourn , adjourn , " had some difficulty in procuring a hearing , and it was not till the noble lord declared his intention of taking the sense of the house , against the evident desire for adjournment , that he was permitted to proceed , began by complaining of the disadvantage under which he laboured in addressing their lordships alter a speech of so much power and eloquence at so late an hour . Lord Stanley denied the alleged famine in Ireland ; and he ( Lord Brougham ) doubted any general famine in Ireland ; but that a great scarcity existed there could be no doubt . He might maintain that there was no reason for introducing the measure this year , and yet support the measure on its merits . The noble and learned lord then showed
the inconsistency of Lord Stanley ' s opposition to this bill with his advocacy of the Canada Corn Bill , With respect to the effect of this bill on prices , the question was . too difficult to answer ; it depended upon a great variety of considerations . The apprehensions of large tracts of foreign land being brought into cultivation were utterly groundless ; where was the capital ? Where were the labourers ? The operation of increasing the growth of corn in such a country as the Ukraine must be gradual and slow . He did not argue that there would be no diminution of price in consequence of this bill ; but he thought the diminution would be small . lie could , from inquiry , undertake to say that the tenant-farmers were not apprehensive of this measure . He bad met with many instances of farms let at an increased rentnone in which farms had been refused or let at a
reduced rent . He expected that the agriculturists would benefit from this measure to an extent far beyond the slight loss by a diminution in price . Lord Stanley had maintained that this country should not be dependent upon foreign nations for the food of the people , and contended that a war would exclude us . But Napoleon ' s almost universal power could not seal up the ports of the continent against the exportation of grain to this country , for in one year ( 1810 ) , a million and a half of quarters were sent hither , a great part from the ports of France itself . The argument drawn by Lord Stanley from the existence of protective laws in other countries was neutralised by his admission that the moment a pressure came the law was suspended in all those countries . The noble and learned Lord then discussed the other arguments of Lord Stanley , to which he replied in some detail , and prognosticated , t ' jat if we set other nations the example of a liberal tariff , they would follow it , and the " benefit would be mutual . The
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noble and learned Lord concluded by disclaiming all community of feeling with those who assailed the landed interest , upon which , as well as upon Sir R . Peelj he pronounced a high eulogium . , ' On the motion of Lord Wilton , the debate was adjourned till Tuesday , and the house , adjourned at a quarter to two o'clock . " ¦ HOUSE OF . COMMONS-MoNDAY , Mat 25 . The Speaker took the chair at the usual hour .
IRISH LAND COMMISSION . Mr . S . Crawford begged , pursuant to notice , to ask Sir R . Peel , whether any Bill or Bills on subjects referred to , and recommended for consideration in the Irish Land Commission report will bo proposed by her Majesty's Government this session ; and if so , w ' hen . it may be expected they will be submitted to Parliament , and to what points of such recommendation they will relate ? , Sir R . Pkkl said , the hon . gentleman knew how the government had been engaged for several weeks . In addition to that , his noble friend the secretary for Ireland had for several days been unable to attend to public business in consequence of indisposition ; but
he trusted that before many days the government would be able to lay three measures upon the table of the housse founded upon the report of the Landlord and Tenant Commission . It would be premature to state the object of those measures at the present moment ; but he might be permitted to state their general subject . The first would be a bill for making compensation to tenants for- improvements on the land . ( Hear , hear . ) The second would he a hill to amend the laws relating to ejectment and distress in Ireland—( Hear)—and the third name contained a general form of lease , which might be adopted by landlords in Ireland . ( Cheers . ) On moving the adjournment for the holidays , he would mention the day upon which he hoped to introduce these
measures . CONGRATULATORY ADDRESS TO HER
MAJESTY . SirR . Psih moved a similar address to that moved in the Lords by the Duke of Wellington , which was briefly seconded by Lord John Russell , and unanimously adopted .
DISCHARGE OF MR . SMITH O'BRIEN . Upon reading the order of the day , Mr . Shaw said , that as , 'he understood his Bight Hon . Friend and the Noble Lord opposite had consented to the motion he had put upon the paper being taken before other public business , he begged now to move it . He could assure the Hon . and Learned Member for Cork that he would have resigned his own motion in favour of the motion of that Hon . and Learned Member , had he thought the latter would have been as likely to receive the approbation of the House . He made the motion upon the ground that Mr . Smith O'Brien had been now in
prison for twenty-five days , and that the business of the committee for which Mr . O'Brien had been selected , was nearly over . He had adopted the form he had found in the journals as having been used on former occasions , without any alteration . He begged merely to add , that he made this motion without the approval of Mr . O'Brien ; but the House ought to decide the motion upon the merits of the question itself without reference to the particular views of that gentleman . He begged therefore to move , "That VY . S . O'Brien , Esq ., in custody of the Sergeant-at-Arms attending this House , bo discharged out of custody , paying his fees . "
Mr . Henley said , that as chairman of the committee to which Mr . O'Brien had been selected , he was able to confirm the statement of the Hon . and Learned Member for the University of Dublin , that the business of the committee was almost over . Two hour ' s work to-morrow would finish their labours . He was glad , therefore , to be able to second the motion of the Hon . and Learned Member , and , at the same time , to assure the House that the public convenience had suffered nothing from the absence of the Hon . Member .. ( Hear , hear , and laughter . ) As chairman of the committee he could not , however , but regret , that the Hon . Member should have preferred his own company for twenty-four hours a day then theirs for four . ( Laughter . ) He begged to
second the motion . ( Hear , hear . ) Mr . P . S . Butler , on behalf of his Hon . Friend the Member for Limerick , would not oppose the motion , but he objected to the conclusion of it , by which his Hon . Friend would be compelled to pay the fees incidental to his confinement . His Hon . Friend would not positively refuse to pay thefees , but he had intimated his determination to pay them under protest . ( Hear , hear , and a laugh . ) SirR . PeeIi thought it would be wise to confine their attention to the simple question of whether the authority of the House demanded the continuance of Mr . O'Brien ' s confinement . He had willingly given precedence to his Hon . and Learned Friend for the production of his motion , in order to raise
that question—whether it was necessary for the maintenance ef their authority to continue the confinement of that gentleman . Upon that question he had no hesitation in expressing his opinion that the continued confinement was no longer necessary—( Hear , hear)—and he entertained that opinion without lefercnco to the recent auspicious event . ( Loud laughter . ) The authority of the house had been maintained , and the question set at rest that Irish members were liable to serve upon comm / ttes , both upon English and Scotch Bills . ( Hear , hear . ) This effect having been produced , the house , which had with regret felt it its duty to confine Mr . O'Brien , would he was sure consent to the motion . ( Hear , hear . )
The motion was then carried without a dissentient voice , and in a lew minutes afterwards Mr . S . O'Brien walked into the house , and took his seat . After a short discussion in which Lord J . Russell urged the necessity of proceeding with the Irish measures in preference to taking up the miscellaneous estimates which stood for thatevening , and intimated his intention of voting against the second reading of the Coercion Bill , the house resolved into a com raittee of supply , and sat till a quarter past 12 o'clock HOUSE OF LORDS . —Tuesday , May 26 . Their Lordships met at five o ' clock . CORN IMPORTATION BILL—ADJOURNED
DEBATE . The adjourned debate was resumed by The Earl of Wilton , who stated that lie had for many years supported the principles which had actuated her Majesty ' s government , and he deeply regretted the painful necessity which now compelled him to oppose the present measure . He cautioned their lordships against voting upon so important a measure upon grounds of expediency , and urged them to exert the legitimate power with which the Constitution had invested them for the protection of the Monarchy and the Church .
The Duke of Cammudgb deemed it a duty to himself and to his own character to state the course he meant to take upon this very important question . He had been a member of the House of Peers for forty-five years , and he had made it an invariable rule never to vote in opposition to the government but if he could not vote with the government , not to vote at all . It was painful to him not to be able to vote with them upon this question , but his own character was at stake . Having a high opinion of Sir R . Peel , he had attended the late debate in the House of Commons , in hopes that he should be convinced by him ; but the reasons he gave had worked no conviction in his mind . He was no politician ; he wished to act honestly and fairly towards the
country . He regretted that this question should have been brought forward at all , less for the question itself than for what might be the consequences of it . Feeling as he did , he could not support her Majesty ' s government upon this occasion . Lord Granville , in a short maiden speech , supported the bill , and was followed by The Marquis of Normandy , who commenced his speech by vindicating the party with whom he acted from the implied censure of Lord Brougham for not disclaiming a community of sentiment with Lord Stanley in his strictures upon Sir Robert Peel , whose inconsistency regarding this question the noble Marquis made the subject of severe comment . With regard to the subject before them , his own
opinions were somewhat peculiar , because ho did not believe that the ' . effects of the measure either t good or for evil , would be so great as those which the conflicting parties would lead them to expect . He had always voted in Parliament for a gradual and general application of the principles of free trade . He rejoiced in every relaxation of the Tariff which would tend to an amicable settlementof our relations with foreign countries , and which would - benefit the various interests of this country . But he had never thought that corn ought to be excepted from tho class of general commodities , and that a taxation upon its import ought to be made the subject of peculiar indignation . ( Hear , hear , bear . ) These being his opinions , he owned he felt it to be a duty to
address their Lordships , in order to guard against what he thought was one of the greatest evils to be apprehended from this measure—ho alluded to the exaggerations that had been put forth as to its effects uvon the condition of the working classes , as he luas satisfied that much , but not less certain disappointment , would result from the general exaggeration . Still he thought that upon the whole tho balance of tho measure was for good , as it would tend in a certain degree to diminish that misery under which a large portion of our fellow-subjects laboured . He did not mean that misery which was and must be the lot of all who laboured ; but he felt that there was a large portion of
their fellow subjects ivho were sunk in a degree of degradation , which , especially when contrasted ivith tha wealth of otlter 2 > ortions of society , was ¦ neither safe nor creditable to the state . ( Hear , hear . ) His attention had been painfully . directed to this subject during the two years that he had administered the internal affairs of this country ; and his examination of . this subject , while it did not convince him that an alteration of the present Corn Law was not desirable , at any rate diminished his notions of its importance , as if its repeal ivould of itself mitigate the evil , The great authority on this , as on all such subjects , Adam Smith , stated in his work , that an ample reward for
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labour was the great proof-of the prosperity of a state —that scarcity of remuneration was a proof or its being in a Stationary condition , and that starvation was a sure proof that tlie country < Kua going back wards . He farther stated , in reference to the condition of the working classes of his own time , that they ««<* more than sufficient to enable them to educate with satisfaction and comfort tlieir several families He also stated , that Here was at that time existing a Corn Law , which amounted to an almost positive exclusion of grain . What use did he ( Lord Norm anby ) make of that ? He did not mean to say that the favourable condition of the working classes at that time was produced by the Corn Law then existing ; but rather ,-that as they would not say the condition of that class was as favourable now as it was then ,
he wished to direct their Lordships' attention to the causes which had occasioned it . Whatever might be the mighty good—and no one fell more than he did that the syseem would be for good—whatever might be the mighty good which the wonderful invention of machinery would produce , he had no doubt that they had already produced a considerable change in the condition of ihe labour tnarket . Do not let their Lordships suppose for a minute that he was such an antediluvian as to wish that machinery had not been invented ; but he did think that the government of the country ought to have watched the necessary evils that were produced hy the transition state ; and so far he went with his noble friend whs addressed them last night , that there ought not to be any attempt on tho ^ part of government to force these
manufactures to a premature developement . What were the first effects of this great demand for labour in one portion of the country ? Why , that there had been a large migration of unskilled labour from the other portion of the country . In point of fact , skill and strength tvere no longer required in the manufacture of our principal national fabrics ; and the very use of the word manufacture was , to a certain extent , an abuse of terms . They were not made by tlie hands of skilful workmen , and therefore the demand for labour from the other parts of the country was for cheap and unskilled labour—that was the rule , and labour of a more complicated kind , and bearing a higher value , was the exception . Then , this effect of the migration of labourers from one part of the country to the other , had been to give to the owners
Of dwelling-houses in the manufacturing districts what might be called a monopoly of price . ' In the report on the sanatory condition of the people , which was drawn up by Mr . Chadwick , it was stated that in Rutland the rent oi a cottage was 50 s ., while for a very inferior apartment in Manchester , a rent was demanded of £ 7 10 s . Ho only used this to show that there were other remedies which ought to be applied to the condition of the working classes ; and that the government ought to have directed their attention seycral years ago to the influence which these dwellings for instance exercUed upon their condition . But it was not merely with relation to the question of rent . Look , also , at the question of disease . He wished to consider the matter only in an economic point of view ; but he
found that in the last report of the sanatory commissioners , that the cost of preventable diseases in Manchester amounted to £ 300 , 000 a year . Taking the population of Manchester amounted to at 300 , 000 , that amounted to the cost of £ 1 per head , and this must press much more severely than that upon the working classes , because their Lordships all knew that the other classes were , in a great measure , exempt from this species of disease ; therefore he said , that thlabouring classes had a diferencyo / 5 l . a year in the cost of their divcllings , and 11 , a year on the cost of preventable diseases , over and above what they would have to pay if they lived in the country , but to which no remedy had yet been applied . They now heard a great deal about cheap bread ; that was a cry which had at all times been warmly responded
to . But let them examine the cost to the labouring man of another necessary of life—he meant water . It appeared in evidence that the cost of water to' a working man in Nottingham , reckoning trouble and time in procuring it , was about thrce-pcnce-halfpenny a week . By recent improvements in that town , seventy-nine gallons was given ior the same price that formerly procured only three gallons . Now , let them contrast that with the price which was to be given for breads The amount of com which was consumed by a labouring man and his family will roughly , but he believed not unfairly , be estimated at aquarter a head . Now suppose that there had been a fixed duty imposed of eight shillings per quarter , that would have raised the price of food to the labouring man of lid . per week , even if the consumer paid the whole of
that duty ; though Mr . Senior , in the report on the condition of the hand-loom weavers , gave it as his opinion tliat only Is . Gd . of that duty would fall upon the consumer . Now he did not say that it was nut desirable to Increase the comforts of the worlcingmen , even by this small amount ; but he wished to show that if the present government were inclined to benefit the working men , these reports had been lying before them for three or four years , and they had every opportunity to introduce those improvements , which might have been effected without a rupture of parties—without a division of sentiment—without any reproach , whether well or ill deserved ; but which would have led to a more immediate and direct saving to the poor man than would be effected by this measure . ( Hear , hear . ) To turn for ' a moment to
what had been stated by his noble friend ( Stanley ] last night . He had read the opinion of Mr . Gregg , who was an extensive manufacturer , and also a member of the Anti-Corn Law League , who had given a melancholy account of tho prospects of the manufacturers of this country , and who stated that foreign countries were yearly increasing their power of underselling British manufacturers . Now he had taken great pains to make inquiries upon this subject , last autumn—not that his opinion , being a mere casual traveller , would of itself be worth much—but he did make inquiries upon this subject , and he found that Mr . Gregg's apprehensions , to a certain extent , were right —( Hear , hear , )—but his informant gave a different reason for this than Mr . Gregg did . It was not , as Mr . Gregg said , that foreigners could underand
sell us ; but it was that they could sell as cheap , while they sold as cheap , they took more pains with the articles they produced , as that their c-lours and thoir textures were more adapted to please . ( Cheers . ) Now , ho mentioned this in the uf most kindness to the manufacturer ; because , if Mr . Gregg gave the true reasons these things might be beyond a remedy ; whereas , if it could be remedied— as , according to Iiia information it could—then it would be highly desirable that that gentleman aud his colleagues should apply that ingenuity which they had of late been employing exclusively in teaching the agriculturists how to improve the condition of the soil—( cheers)—to the improvement of their own manufacturers . ( Continued cheering . ) There was one other observation which lie was ttmpted to make .
Some persons attempted to account for the inferiority of the workmen of this country , in articles of taste , to their want of education . Now , he had a strong opinion npon a question which had lately been agitating the Legislature , and he would say that such an objection came with a very ill grace from those who had constantly opposed the shot tening of the hours of labour , which alone , in his opinion , ivas likely to tmptWG the education of the labouring classes . ( 11 ea r , hear . ) There was still another consideration on which he felt bound to touch . In the last census of the population it was stated , that such was the improvement of medical science , in the country , that the averaged value of life had increased ; but , at the same time , it was stated , that in the manufacturing districts it had fearfully diminished . Nay , he was
not sure , for he must apologise to their lordships for speaking from recollection , but he believed he was understating the case when he said , that the deterioration of life in these districts had been so peat , that whereas the average value of life in these districts twenty years ago was fifty , it was now only forty-five . ( Hear , hear . ) He frequently had seen tlie first generation of nianufacluring operatives , but he had not seen the second , and there was no doubt whatever but they were very much deteriorated in that respect . With respect to the Bill before their Lordships , the Government had unnecessarily aggravated the
difficulty of a peaceable and quiet settlement of this question , and accompanied it by a waste of character which was a great public evil . This bill had come up to their Lordship's sanctioned by a great majority of the representatives of the people , and he believed it was a move in the right direction ; and though it might have been purchased at a large price by the suicidal sacrifice of public character , tlieir Lordship ' s were no parties to this sacrifice ^ they had betrayed no constituencies , and believing it to be a measure from which benefit might arise , whilst great evil would result from its rejection , ho should vote for the second reading of the bill .
The Earls of Cardigan and Winchelsea spoke against the billi and abused the Government . The Earl of Clarendox rejoiced at the introduction of this measure , and at the justice of the arguments by which it had been defended during the long and wearisome ordeal it had passed through elsewhere . He urged their Lordships to pass a measure which would remove a constant and fertile source of discontent , and benefit all classes , founded as it was . upon a great and comprehensive view of the varying circumstances and complicated interests of this great country .
The Earl of Carnarvon opposed the bill , insisting upon the absence of any necessity for the repeal of the existing law , and disputing the doctrine that British industry needed no protection in its competition with the industry of foreign nations . He contended that the wages of the agricultural labourer would be forced down by this measure to the very lowest level , and that the poor farmer—the occupier with little capital—would be ruined . The Earl of Malmesdurt , after a short contest fo r precedence with Lord Haddington , also opposed the bill . And was' followed by the
Earl of Hadding ton , who defended it . The noble Earl declared he should witness with great , alarm the throwing out of this bill , because he was persuaded a new Parliament would bring an overwhelming majority in favour of iVoo trad « j , and their Lordships would lose the opportunity of a graceful concession to public feeling ,
House Of Lords, Fhidat, Mat22'. The Marq...
The Earl of Hardwicke addressed the House against the bill . He considered the party , with whom he acted were protecting the poor men against the overbearing influence of the manufacturers ; and he quoted an American newspaper , to / show that the principle of protection was considered in that country as essentially democratical , and that ' its abolition would inflict injury upon " the lower classes . The noble Earl pointed but how much , under a protective system , the country had prospered in agriculture , commerce , shipping - , and revenue , which , notwithstanding a reduction of taxation , had kept pace with the national expenditure ; whilst the people hnd had cheaper bread than they would have under free trade . The Earl ofWicuxow then moved the adjournment of the debate till Thursday next .
Earl Gatt moved simply that the debate be adjourned . i An animated conversation then took p lace on the question of adjournment , the Earl of Wicklow contending that he had moved his adjournment first / and stating that he would take the sense of the house upon it ; and Earl Grey urgingtheirlordshi psstrongly to continue it on ( Wednesday , ) as adjourning till Thursday would , if it was not then concluded , throw the question over the holidays . He protested against allowing mere amusement to defer the debate On so important a subject . The Duke of Wellington was willing either to sit on Wednesday , or resume the debate on Thurs-/ Jny After nearly half an hour ' s warm discussion of this point , the debate was adjourned till Thursday , and the House rose at two o ' clock .
HOUSE OF COMMONS . —Wednesday / , Mat 20 . A quantity of railway business was transacted . Mr , Smith O'Dbiex gave notice of a motion for the production of the letter written by himself to the Speaker , protesting against his recent imprisonment . Mr . Ewabt rose to move two resolutions—one declaratory of the expediency of discontinuing the present system of making the colony of Yan Die-man ' s Land a general receptacle for convicts ; and the other declaratory of the expediency of no longer maintaining transportation except as a supplement to the previous- punishment of imprisonment . He was . proceeding to make a statement . explanatory of the grounds of his motion , when An hon . member moved that the house be counted ; and there being only 2 ? members present , the house stood adjourned . ; ,. ,
HOUSE OF LORDS . —Thursday , Mat 28 . After the presentation of a number of petitions for and against the Corn Bill ,
THE ADJOURNED DEBATE was opened by Lord Girisv , who , at wearisome length , advocated the necessity of a total repeal of the Corn Laws . He would prefer an immediate repeal , but as he could not attempt to obtain that without , endangering the Bill , he would rest satisfied with what was offered by the Government . The advocates of the measure were menaced with a dilemma respecting prices under this bill . " If there be no great diminution of the price of corn , " they said , " in what consists the advantage of the measure V He ( Earl Grey ) did not expect a great fall of prices ; he did not expect that the weekly average price of wheat would be so low as 3 os . a quarter , as it was in December , 1835 ; nor that it would be so high as 81 s . 6 d „ as it was in
January , 1839 ; what he did expect was , a greater steadiness of moderate prices ; that the average price would be lower , but not greatly lower , than it had been during the last twelve year * , and that prices would fluctuate within much narrower limits . The result would be beneficial to the British grower of com , especially by causing an immensely increased consumption of corn , and impravements in farming . Higher farming implied the employment of more hands ; and he believed there was not a single farm in England upon whieli the same or a greater number of men might not be employed with a greater demand for agricultural produce . iNor did he expectj in the circumstances of this country , a fall of rents . Eari Gbet favoured thehousejwithahighly flattering and very florid portrait of Mr . Cobden , whom he introduced to their Lordships as their greatest patron and benefactor , and as a person singularly friendly
to the maintenance of the Peerage . Lord Asuburion gave his unqualified opposition to the measure . The Noble Lord reviewed the question in its commercial bearings , and showed that , under the experiment which had already been tried , our shipping had decreased , whilst the shipping of foreigners had greatly increased . The parochial clergy , also , would be severe sufferers under this bill , for should the price of wheat fall only to 403 ., their incomes would be reduced one-fourth . The Marquis of Lansdow . sk argued at considerable length in support of the bill . He had been , and still was , an advocate of a fixed duty ; but the question was , whether , by voting in committee to that effect , he should not be in reality voting against a settlement of the quesiivn , which might be attained by a bill of a totally different nature , lie therefore accepted the bill proposed by Her Majesty's Government .
After a smart contest for precedence , The Earl of EsSBX spoke in favour of the bill , avowing a change in former opinions . He thought that the farmers of this country , would find their interest consist in moderate prices and abundant produce , obtained by the judicious application of capital , and abandoning antiquated prejudices . The Earl of Eolixtok opposed the bill . He asserted that this measure would be productive of ruin to the farmers and farm labourers of Scotland . He implored their lordships to compel an appeal to the countiw . Lord Reai / MOAT energetically advocated the cause of Protection .
The Earl of Dalhousie supported the bill . He argued at great length that the principle of protection was unsound in itself , unjust to the consumer , and without benefit to tho producer ; and that the relaxations which had been tried had resulted in large and palpable improvements in all the trades which these relaxations touched . With a brief answer to the objections of Lord Stanley , upon the subject of Canada , and a calm but firm and spirited defence of the members of the government against the charge of treachery , the noble earl appealed to the prudence and justice of their lordships , not lightly , or without sufficient ground , and without closely searching their own hearts , to reject a measure of such vast importance .
The Duke of Beaufokt opposed the bill , and instanced a part of his own property , on which , should this measure pass , tenants who , with their ancestors , had occcupied farms under him and his ancestors for 400 years , would be reduced to the condition of labourers , unless he rejected the rules of political economy , and stood between them and ruin . He would do so ; for , exclaimed his grace , "Ifeelpiouder ol this tenantry than of all my other ancestral honours , and oven my seat in your Lordships' house . " The Dukeof Wellixgtox confessed that he laboured under peculiar disadvantage in appearing as a Minister of the Crown to recommend this Bill , knowing , as he did , that it was most disagreeable to all with whom
he had been in the habit of acting . But the course he had taken he would again take teuton ow , under similar circumstances . Ho was in her Majesty ' s service , and his idea of duty would not have permitted him to adopt any other conduct on this question than that he had pursued . The Noble Duke concluded by saying that his advice , perhaps the last he would ever give to their Lordships , was to pass this Bill , and avoid a disagreement with the other members of the legislature . As for an appeal to the country , their Lordships might surely wait for the termination of the present House of Commons , where they would have the power of re-considering the question , as a total repeal could not take place before three years .
Their Lordships divided at half-past four o'clock Friday morning , when there were , for tho second reading—Contents , 138 Proxies 13—211 Non-contents 126 Non-proxies 38—104 Majority in favourofthe Bill ... 47 Their Lordships then fixed the Committee on the Bill for the 11 th June , and adjourned the House to next Thursday . HOUSE OF COMMONS , Thursday , Mat 2 S . Mr . S . Crawford gave notice , that on Thursday , June 11 , he would move for a select committee to inquire into the allegations of the Rochdale petitions as they affect the local magistrates aud tho rural police .
THE ANDOVER UNION . Lord Courtenav moved that the select committee On tho Andover Union have leave to report the minutes of evidence taken before them from time to time . After a discussion in which Mr . Waklet , Captain Pechell , and Mr . Etwall supported the motion , and Sir J . Gkaham , Mr . Pabkikgton , and Mr . T . Dux-COMliEi opposed it , the housedivided : — For the motion , „ , jg Againstit v „ si
Majority against the motion 05 The Other orders of the day were then disposed of . and the house adjourned at twenty minutes to eight a ' clock .
H L Of Hardwicke Ddressed Th The Determi...
THE NORTHERN STAK , May 30 , 1846 . § ' _ _—^^ m— i —~ . I * m ' ^ i ^ T 2 ! 2 ~~ mmmm ~~' -mmm *? " ~* 'Z ! S 25 ^^ ^' ^ ' ^^^^^^ = ^^^^^^^^^^ ^^^ '' ] , - "" '' .. ^* ^ ' - " ,, — . "" TV — , ,, ' . ^ TT S ^ r ^ "j
The Strike In The Building Trades,
THE STRIKE IN THE BUILDING TRADES ,
AGGREGATE MEETING AT MANCHESTER . An aggregate meeting of trades was held on Monday evening , at half-past seven o ' clock , in the Carpenters ' Hall , Garratt-road , The room was filled , Mr . John Gash was called to the chair and spoke at some length explaining the object of the meeting . Kicbabd Littleb , a tailor , moved the first resolution whieli was as follows : —« That this meeting congratu- ' lates the operative builders of Manchester mi other
The Strike In The Building Trades,
owns on the determined spirit evinced by them in re , fusing to sign the enslaving -document- ; and -trusts that the same determination will animate them until the end of the strike ; alsVoy" this resolution JVS congratulate each other upon meeting together to reciprocate that feeling which will lead to a successful . issue . " ( Applause . ) Having read the document , which has already appeared in ' this paper , the speaker proceeded to say that tha trades of thiscountry possessed in themselves themeang the skill , and the capital requisite for taking into their own hands the management of their own affairs { Xn . plause ) . He would suppose that the tailors , to whom lis had the honour to belong ,-were associated with the National Trades' Union , and he would also suppose that that union was general throughout the country . He would then suppose that each member of that trade or union was called on . to contribute a halfpenny or a
penny , or perhaps three half-pence . The sum that would thu « be realised would enable the operative tailors to form a factory , to be so situated as to be central in the country . The tailors understanding the business to he the active agents in its management , but by no means to have the control of its capital ; only that they should be employed to conduct the business , and employ the sur « plus of labour belonging to the trade , kept , as it were , in the back ground , apart from the other branches of trade which might be more favourably circumstanced . Thus during the two slack seasons of the trade , parties willing to work would find employment ( Hear , hear ) . And he would say , that in his opinion every member of tha National Trades' Uni . ni would become a customer of that great trading mart ( Applause ) . And would not that system be as practicable amongst other trades as amongst the tailor * .
SxavEL Roberts , hydraulic packer , seconded the re « solution . It struck him that labour , which was the source of all wealth did not employ itself to its own ad . vantage . He believed a hlow had heen struck at the interests not only of the operative carpenters and joiners , but also at the interests of every working man ; if this "document" were carried out he believed it would be one of the greatest blows struck at the rights and interests of the working men ot this country they had ever experienced . ( Hear , hear . ) It struck him as very singular it at the approaching conference of the trades next week , the delegates did not resolve to support the men , and determine to carry them throug h their present struggle , whatever might be the hazard . ( Hear . ) If that was not the case , he should begreatly disappointed at the spirit of the working Classes generally . He was certain , however , that so far as monetary matters were concerned there was no fear . ( Applause , )
The resolution was put to the mettingfrom the chair , when a foreat ' of hands was displayed in its favour . John-Tahner , plasterer , moved the second resolution , which was as follows : — " That this meeting is of opinion that any pledge required by the employers in reference to the ea ployed helonging or not to any society , whether trades ' society or otherwise , is an act of presumption on the part of the employers , and submission to the same on the part of the employed is degrading , and would not be aeeeded to by any man having the least spark of
honesty . " Mr . T . spoke at some length , and concluded by saying , this "document "they should hold as odious and loathsome as the most poisonous ' reptile that ever crawled the earth . Until those connected with factories , with railways , with corn , with the anti-corn law movement , dissolved their unions , —for they were all trades ' unions , —and until the union which met in St . Stephen ' s was dissolved , not to raeet again until they assembled as the representatives of the people—then , and not till then , would they , the working classes , dissolve their union . ( Loud applause' )
Yt ' iLtiiM Pjdei ,, paper-hanger , seconded tbe resolution . In reply to . the advice of the editor of the Manchester Courier to abandon the union , he said , there was no part of liberty which the law had left to the people of this country that was not worth contending for , he cared not how small it might be . ( Hear , hear . ) And as for the hair-breath escapes , as for the dangerous precipices by which this law was surrounded—he caved not for them . ( Hear . ) He knew this , that the members of the union could , for a shilling a piece ; command the highest legal advice ofthis country—the union eeuld pay salaries equal to that of the Lord Chief Justice of the Queen ' s Bench . ' . They could have their Attorney-generals and their Solicitor-generals , and all the other officers they might think proper . ( Applause . ) Therefore , with all due deference to the press , they would retain their union . The union of tho working men was legal , but the
masters , for their own purposes , wished them to break the union up—the masters in effect said , they were wiser than the legislature of St . Stephen ' s—they said they were tho lawmakers , and thus set up an imperium in imperio . ( Applause . ) They talked of the men dictating to them , and yet they came to the men , and said to them , give up some of your rules or starve , ( Hear , hear . ) This country boasted that it was the land of freedom ; that it was only necessary for a slave to set his foot upon her soil and bis manacles immediately dropped off ; yet the masters came and asked the men to deprive them , selves Ot \ the protection whieh the legislature if ) d given them . ( Hear , hear . ) But they would not surrender tlieir civil rights and privileges at the kidding of any master . ( Applause . ) That man would be doomed to slavery who put his hand to the "document . " ( Ap . plause . ) The resolution was unanimously agreed to .
John Carlisle , stone-mason , proposed the third reso . lotion : — " That this meeting does consider that the thanks of the working men of England are due and are hereby given , on the part of this meeting , to the operatives of every town where the struggle exists , for the manly and straight-forward manner in which they have resisted the encroachments upon their liberties , by their unprincipled and designing employers ; and further , that we feel it our duty to pledge ourselves to support the men and their families , during their stand for the rights of industry . "— . ( Applause . ) He cautioned his fellow-workmen against signing the "document . " What was it that hadmade the working classes of the present day so moral ? It had been their uniting together , which , if they signed the "document , " they could not do—by concentrating all
their intelligence into one focus , spreading it as far as pos . sible—by meeting together and laying their grievances when they had any to complain of , before one another . — ( Hear , hear . ) He would if he had an opportunity , tell Sir Robert Peel , and the assembled House of Commons , that the working classes had taken their own affairs into their hands—that they were going to fiat the price of their labour , which they had an undoubted right to do , but that other parties were stepping in and trying to deprive them of that privilege ; and he would also tell them that as they progressed in the moral and intellectual scale , what they had been so long asking for must come , namely , ttiat they must be made au enfranchised people . —( Ap . plause . ) He might say that the press had almost atto . gether been arrayed against the operative classes in their
presentmovement . But he trusted the working classes would make the press feel that they had misrepresented them , and that for the future they should represent them in the spirit of fairness . ( Hear . ) He was going to allude to some remarks whieli appeared in the London Dispaleh . That paper said that tlie Building Trades ' Union must be dissolved , or the building trade must be annihilated . What did they think of such an announcement as that ? What did they think was another of the sensible remarks of that same Xoiulon Dispatch , who was always claiming to itself the credit of advot-ating the rights of the poor . The editor of that paper said , that he was very sorry they did not sign the " documents , " There were other remarks of a similar character . . The articles stated , for instance , that they ought to reverence capital ,
That was a species of gross idolatry—they were called to worship that which they created—if that was not gross idolatry he knew not what was . ( Applause . ) They raised up a man as a capitalist , and they were called upon to worship him . So , according to the London Dispatch , they must fall down and worship Mammon . ( Hear . ) The Northern Star was the only paper iu the country that advocated the cause of the working classes , and it ought to be supported by them . ( Great cheering . ) James Gooldis , secretary , seconded the resolution . The present strike compelled twenty-six trades to unite in common brotherhood , amounting to 5 , 500 in Man * Chester and its vicinity . ( Applause . ) Before another
fortnight elapsed , some 200 or 300 delegates from all parts of the countvy would meet and declare to the worlet that lahour must have its rights . ( Hear , hear . ) Mr . Duncombe , he was happy to say , would preside on the occasion referred to . ( Loud applause . ) And on that occasion ho would like to sec every trades' society in this town , hang out its banners , so that a display worthy of the occasion might be made . It would be the first labour parliament that ever met in Manchester . ( Hear . ) let the Hall of Science , in whieh the meeting was to take place , be decorated with flags belonging to the unions , and let flngs be displayed from the windows . Let it he remembered that the week in which the delegates would meet would be the week of then- emancipation .
John Rawlinson , mechanic , supported the resolution . He urged , at great length , upon his audience the pro « yviety of maintaining sobriety and steadiness . The resolution was then put , and carried unanimously . Mr . Dixox moved a vote of thanks to the chairman . Thomas- Kailton seconded the resolution , which was carried by acclamation . Tho . Chairman acknowledged the compliment , and tha meeting broke up about twelve o ' clock .
BOLTOK . The Joihers' Strike . —i ? o approach has yet-been made towards an adjustment of the differences betnccu the operative carpenters and joiners and their employers . On Saturday last , a circular was issuedjby the associated masters , in which they stated the circumstances which led to the strike . To that document the men have published a reply , in which tliey gii e their version of the case . They " uttei-ly repudiate" the statement that the joiners have been most active in promoting tho general union of the trades , and declare that competition is the great evil , "and all the meu have to complain of . " " The masters , " they say , " will contract at a losing " price , " and then they ask , " are the workmen to Too the sufferers ?"
Street Uaymarket Pr^Ad0dg^L M'G≪Wa», . «F 18, Qrca Wlndltfu
street Uaymarket Pr ^ AD 0 DG ^ L M'G < WA » , . « f 18 , Qrca Wlndltfu
Street, Uaymarket, In The Cit Y Of Westm...
, , in the Cit y of Westmmsto .- , t » '»« ^ ' "i ,, ; ! , ^™ Strect anrt ravish , for tlie 1 » NWM \ t ) 0 UjJ O'OOSSOit Esq ., and publishe d by \\ imiAsi . Hswirr , of No . 18 , Chailes-streot . Urao , ( ion-street , 'Walworth , in the Parish of St . Marv , Nc ^ mgton , in the Comity of Surrey , at the Office , No . hi ttreat W mamiU-strcet , Htvymiirkist . in . the City « i Westminster . Saturday . May 30 , 1846 .
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), May 30, 1846, page 8, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns2_30051846/page/8/
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