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IHE jN OKTHEKiN 8'J'AK. SATURDAY, MARCH 21, 184C.
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^^^V ^t3T ^^^L. *^^* ^ * ,^*4-^^. ^^W« fe » » i^^^ — ^^^^^ ^^B^^?F «^ ""„ 'fc BIB , i*m. « TaoSSao COO?Ei£. TaS caA&TiSTo WORKS.
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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( To be had of John Cleave , and all boolveUers . ) Just published , price la . TWO ORATIONS AGAINST MAKING AWAY UUMA 2 ? LIFE , TT 5 DEU any Circumstances ; and in explanation and U defence of the misrepresented doctrine of " Sou . Besistance . " ( Delivered in the National Hall , Holborn , on the evenings of February 25 th and March 4 th . ) Chapman , Brother ? , 121 , Sewgate-street .
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WISE SAWS AND MODERN INSTANCES . ( TwoVols , 15 s . ) "A series of Crabbe-Hke sketches , in prose . They are manifest portraits , and adraonisn us of the author ' s skill in taking the literal likeness . "—AOteiMum . " We have read some of these stories with deep interest , and few , we are persuaded , will rise from thrir perusal but with feelings all the wanner for what they have read . They can scarcely fail to be popular with 'the masses ;* and , upon the whole , we think they deserve to be so . "—Atlas . " The author excuses the sternness of his pictures by alleging their truth . The justification is all-sufficient . Chartist as these sketches are , they are healthier , in t-Dp and sentiment , than the tawdry fictions vamped up for the reading public by some popular writers , that profess to exhibit the life of the labouring dosses . "—The Britannia .
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Also , just published , THE BARON'S YULE FEAST . A Christmas Rhyme . In Four Cantos . ( One Vol ., 5 s . ) "There is a rough earnestness , both in its thoughts aad verse , which is strictly in accordance with the genius ef our ballad minstrelsy . If it does not show , in point of ability , an advance on the author ' s previous productions , it yet shows that he cat change his hand without loss of power , "— 'Me Britannia . '' Mr . Cooper appears tc much greater advantage in this seasonable poem than he did in his more ambitions attempt of - The Purgatory of Suicides . " " The Baron ' s Yule Veast" has a genial spirit , var ious subjects , and a popular animated style . The poem is the best of Mr . Cooper ' s productions . "—Spectator .
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A GOOD FiT WARRANTED . UBSDELL AXD CO ., Tailors , are now making up a cuniplrte "Suit , of Superfine Black , any size , for £ 3 ; Superfine West of England Black , £ 3 10 s . ; and the very best Superfine Saxony , £ 5 , warranted not to spot or change colour . Juvenile Superfine Cloth Suits , 24 s . ; Liveries equally cheap—at the Great Western Emporium , Nos . 1 aud - ' , Oxford-street , London ; the noted house for good black cloths , and patent made trousers . Gentlemen can ch . ose the ejlour aid ^ quality of cloth from the largest stock inLuudon . The a to ? cutting taught .
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A « a !« d ObchestA Oboak , . i , which the most admired Ovektdbes , « fc « ., are played , from Two to Four and from Eight till Half-past Tea o'clock . Ths whult projected and designed -y Mr . William a we ! .
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T DAGURREOTYPE AND CALOTYPE . HE APPARATUS , LENS , CHEMICALS , PLATES , CASES , and erery other articl . used in making aud mounting the above can be had of J . Egerton , No 1 , Temple-street , Whitefriarg , London . Deicriptive Catalogues gratis . LEREBOURS' celebrated ACHROMATIC TRIPLET LENSES fur the MICROSCOPE , sent to any pare of the Country at the following prices : —Deep Power , 00 s . ; Low Power , 23 i . Every article warranted .
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PATENT ENVELOPE . MORG AN'S NEW PATENT ENVELOPE will be rearfy in a lew days . The Trade supplied with samp les and prices , by applying to Mr . Younghusband , llujal l ' ulyieclmic lusiiiuuou , Recent-street , London .
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ROYAL MARYLEBONE THEATRE . LESSEE , MB . JOHN D 0 U 8 LASS . LEGITIMATE Week . Seiond week of Messra . Abel aud Taylor with their wonderful Dogs . To cuminmiue on Mouduy and Thursday with " Macbeth . " Macbeth , on Monday , Mr . Howard ; Macbeth , ou Thursday , Mr . Ktvillc ; Lady Macbeth , Mrs , Cumpbell . On TUBSaay und Saturday with " Ruhard the Third . " Richard , on Tuesday , Mr . Rayner ; on Saturday , Mr . Howard . On Wednesday and . Friday , "Othello . " Othello , on Wednesday , Mr . Bright ; Iago , Mr . Farringtou . Ou Fri-Jay au entire change . To he followed , on Monday and Thursday , by the ' Lucky Dog ; " Mumps , Mr . T . Lee . On Tuesday aud Saturday , " Drawn for the Militia . " Billy , Mr . T . Lee ; Natty , Mi . W . Phillip . On Wednesday and Friday , tlie "Omnibus . " Pat Ruoaey , Mr . T . Lee ; Tommy Uobbs , Mr . W . Phillips . To conclude every *< r « mug wi h "Paddington One Hundred Wars Ago , " in . viiicii Messrs . Abel aud Taylor , with their wouderful 'togs , wil . appear . , Stage Manager , Mr . Neville . B « xe » , 2 s . ; Pit , Is . ; Gallery , 6 d .
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Juit published , by the Executive Committee of the National Charter Associatiou , Part I . of 'PnE POLITICAL WORKS OF THOMAS PAfifE : X tube regularly continued until completed . This edition of tho works of Paine has the merit , of iiciog the cheapest and neatest erer offered to the public . U win consist of five parts , stitched in wrapper , at sixpence each ; and will be embellished with a beautitul viguctte of tha author , engraved exclusively for [ hit . mrk . London : Cleave , 1 , Shoe-lane . N . B . Orders executed by T . M . wiiool . ir , Gcnoral Secretary ; ana by the various Sub-secretaries throughout the country .
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FROST , WILLIAMS , AND JONES . A GRAND FESTIVAL , consisting of Tea , Concert , and Ball , iu aid of the Funds of the Exiles' Restora- , Uuu Committee , will be held iu the elegaut suite of rooms , . it the 1 'authenii'm , 72 , St . MartiuVlane , Leicester-square ou Tuesday , Marcii 24 th , 1846 . Tea on the table at Six •/ Clock precisely . T . S . Buncombe , Esq ., M . P ., will preside . Tlie Ball will commence at Eight o'Clock , Tickets tu the Festival—Double tickets , 2 s . ; single , is . 3 d . Tu Ball and Concert only—Double , Is . ; single , a . i . Tickets can he obtained at the following places : — . dr . Parks , Little Windmill-street ; ililue , Unionsireet , Berkeley-square ; Cuffa } -, 12 , Maiden-laue , Coveut-^ ar deu ; Harris , 21 , Henry-street , Hauipstead-road ; Overtoil , la , Tabernacle-row , Finshury ; Thorn , 2 . Prospect-place , Upper Barnshury-sireet ; Parker , news-agent , ; lairow-road-, Fuzzen , milkman , Margaret-street , Wil-• uiugton-siiuare ; l * rake , Standard of Liberty , Brick-lane ; Vatts , Isliagton-greeu ; 3 . Shaw , -21 , Gloucester-street .
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PORTRAIT OF MR . O'illGGlNS . We have only this day received the portrait of Mr . O'JIiggins , which will be put into the engraver ' s hands without delay . Mr . O'Wiggins' trial is , we believe , to take place in the Queen ' s Bench about the l \) th of April ; and we hope to have tho portrait ready by that time . All who have secil it admit it to be a most striking likeness .
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IRELAND . MURDER OF BRYAN SEERY . At a time when the virtuous press of England is lavishing its condemnation of the cold-biouded mur ders , not only sanctioned , but invited and provoked , by the Austrian Government in Gallicia , it is but right to turn attention to the more civilised murders committed in Ireland , under the sanction of lav ? , and justified by the English press . What boo ; s it to the Widow Seeto whether she lost her husband through the iniiuence of blood-money , held out as a
temptation to the assassin , or to the nece .-sity of offering up a Catholic victim to appease the fears of a murdering Protestant aristocracy ? Those who live by pandering to the most morbid passions and worst of feelings we always most ready to moralise upon the actions of others . They profess to shudder at wickcducs committed a-far off , while they gioat over scenes of devastation which they themselves have provoked at home . There is a strong parallel between the case
of Poland and Ireland , as far as the government 0 * the countries is concerned , while , beyond all comparison , the physical condition of the Irish people , —not judging from their present , but from their invariable state of poverty—is much worse than that of the Polish serfs . But as the murder of an innocent man is the subject under our present consideration , we shall not launch into any general review of govern , ments or policy , but shall at once proceed with our subject .
It is admitted by all that religious feuds have been the main cause of Irish mis- « overnmeut , and consequently of Irish distress . A kind of tacit compact appeared to exist between all classes of Society , not excepting even the most rabid Orangeman , that sectarian differences should no longer distract the counsels of the State , and that theological disputations should give way to sound legislation . The rankling differences and irritating controversies between Protestants and Catholics were being
eha-Mcterised by a less Intensity of angry feeling , and none seemed more to court this moderation , and to desire a cessation of hostilities , than the Times newspaper ; but , fearful lest it had wounded and migh t k 11 the goose with the golden egg , it seizes upon a most infelicitous opportunity , not only to raise the cry of " . No Popery" once more , but to widen that unfortunate breach between Catholics and Protestants which all seemed to deplore and every one desired to arrest .
Since JUivax Seert was murdered , the Times has laboured hard at its vocation to defend his murderers , and , in its anxiety to justify the foul deed , has
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not shrunk from the publication of the most atrocious and scandalous libels against the Roman Catholic clergy and the Roman Catholic people of Ireland . It is not many weeks since it became our duty to analyse the legal defence set up by the Timei on behalf of its Protestant clients , when we showed that a desire to convict Seery had betrayed the writer into an exposure of his own legal ignorance ; and having since discovered that the question was now interesting to every Englishman with a particle of justice or humanity in his breast , that journal , en Saturday last , published the following atrocious libel against the Rev . Mr . Savagb , the confessor of the murdered man , his twenty-nine coadjutors , and their diocesan , Dr . Cantwell . The following is the
letter to which we refer , and to which , and our comment thereon , we call the attention of our readers : — " Sis , —Aa a lover of truth and justice , I enjoyed your nianiy and able defence of the proceedings in the case of the Jate Bryan Seery . I therefore think it due to the vindication of the administration of our law , the character of the jury , and , indeed , of the unfortunate victim himself , for victim he was to the anti-Christian genius of Popery , to make you ; . cquainied with what 1 have Heard and believe to have been the real facts of the case . The Statement respecting Seery's tenancy and subsequent settlement with Sir Francis Hopkins is true , and the treatment
of the latter produced in Seery ' s mind respect and gratitude , but Seery was a llibandman . The members of that society take an oath oi implicit obedience 10 the committee or superiors ; and by reason of its being voluntary , and invested , as they suppose , with a religious hue , they esteem it more sacred than any other obligation . Sir Francis Hopkins was tried , found guilty , and sentenced to deatii for some subsequent evictions ot cottiers ; and lots were drawn amongst the parties supposed to be aggrieved at a meeting of the society ; the lot fell on Seery . ilis companion , the second man at the offence , was appointed to seo that he did not flinch from his dutv ,
> . i i ift . ¦ nil . . . f * his own death and violation of his oath , which he more abhorred , would be the consequence bf refusal ; Seery , therefore , resolved to undertake the supposed duty , but , true to the Jax morality and Jesuitical tcauuing nf his pastors , resolved likewise to lire vriue of the mark , which he accordingly did . This fact will account for the declaration , ot ' i repeated , oi' his innovence of the crime of which he was accused , namely , filing with intent to kill . '" Tliure eau be little if any doubt that these facts
are well known to Mr . Savage and his diocesan , Dr . Cantwell , and the 30 priests who joined in the requiem to this 'innocent' victim . But what cau be thought of the system that has so blinded the moral sense of these 30 persons—what of the spiritual tyranny that holds up as a . martyr tho victim whom they doomed to an ignominious death to preserve their power over men ' s minds , and have an opportunity of libelling the laws and British institutions and connexion ? " I am , Sir , yours obediently , "R . M . " The above is characteristically signed " R . M ., " and which , we presume , means " Heal Murderer . " We are justified in this supposition , because " It . M . " admits himself to be an accessory after the fact , and all accessories in murder are held in law to be principals . Now for a word of comment upon this letter ; this ruffian thinks it due to the vindication of the law , to the character of the jury , and INDEED TO THE UNFORTUNATE VICTIM HIMSELF , to make the Times acquainted with the facts . Sweet , amiable sympathy for the character of the unfortunate victim ! lie says , " that Seery was a victim to the ANTI-CIIR 1 STIAN GENIUS OF
POPERY . " We would ask the Real Murderer , how many thousands of poor Seery ' s faith have been victims to the anti-christian genius of Protestantism ? In this advocate ' s attempt to defend Sir Francis Hopkins as a landlord , he is obliged to admit the fact , that several poor cottiers , as well as Sekky , had been victims to this best of landlords . He then goes on to . vtate , with minuteness , the manner in which Sir Francis Hopkins was doomed to death , and the mode in which the sentence was to be carried into execution . He says , " his companion , the second man at the offence , was appointed to see that he did not Hindi from his duty , his own death and
violation of his oath , WHICH HE MORE ABHORRED , would be the consequence of his refusal . " 8 u \ v , then , let us criticise those words , and let us Ukc them hi connection with a passage in a previous article in the limes , to the effect that , after all , the law was of man ' s creation , and to the same agency the culprit looked for release . But what will now bo said or thought ol the disregard sought to be attached to the dying words of a man to whom death itself was preferable to the VIOLATION OF HIS
OAT 11 ? Can we suppose the most hardened wretch capable of preferring death to the violation of hi > oath , and so tender of life , as to fire wide of his victim rather than at him ; so blunted in feeling , so depraved in heart , so regardless of a future state , and the consequences of dying with a lie upon his lips—can we , we say , affix the sin of perjury to his God , to whom his last confession was made through his pastor , to one whom the Real Murderer has proved tc have been so tenacious of an oath and so tender oi life ?
What a thread the sophist would hang his condomnation of Seery upon ! that his innocence was pleaded by hu having fired wide of the mark , whereas he was charged with tiring with intent to kill . The laxity in Seeky ' s morals is ascribed to the fact of his beiii" a Ribandman , and tho consequent necessity of complying with the laws of that association . Of this there is no proof ; we have the mere assertion , but we shall use it as au argument to refute the scandalous libel against the thirty Catholic clergymen and the Rev . Dr . Caxtwkll . Now , it is a well-known i ' net , that the priesthood of Ireland have , almost to a man , set their faces against , and openly denounced , Ribandism , and , therefore , the fact of Seeky being a Ribandmau would not only have diminished the sympathy , but
would have aroused the suspicion ef Mr . Savage , and would have made him more scrupulous in his examination and preparation of the victim . We hayo as sertcd before , and we repeat it , that no Roman Catholic who has led the most depraved life has , in the last awful moment , when standing upon the brink o ' eternity , withheld one , even the blackest transaction of that life , from his confessor . We have further added , that there is not an instance upon record of n Roman Catholic clergyman expressing sympathy for one who has been adjudged to death upon clear and unmistakeable evidence . And upon these two fads alone , apart from the illegal trial of Seeuy , tho doubtful , contradictor . ., unsatisfactory , and conflicting evidence against him—the unconstitutional mode
ot trial , and the lucid , clear , and unequivocal evidence given in his defence , would of themselves purge our mind of all and every doubt of his innocence . It will be seen that an English Chartist barrister , who read the trial attentively and cautiously , has subscribed a pound for the relief of the widow and orphans . Will the Real Alurderer say that he , too is a victim to the lax morality of Popery , or that he wishes to see licensed barbarism supersede the constitutional law . s , of the country ? Ah ! it is well , it is piiiJunthropic and Christian-like , to express a high sounding horror for the victims of aristocratic barbarity while the national religion of an Irishman , which neither the terror of the most ) sanguinary laws , the fear of the bayonet , nor the dread of the scaffold can change or destroy , is advanced as presumptive evidencc against an Irishman . As the Real Murderer has taken upon himself the oflicc of Catholic censor , has ho ever taken the trouble to compare the cleanness of the Irish Catholic clergy , with the filth , the sodomy , the lust , the incest , the adultery , the drunkenness and depravitv practically inculcated by the State Church priesthood of England ? If those things narrated by him with such plausible precision and conciseness tire so well known to him as to justify him in using thorn as the condemnation of Seeky and the Roman Catholic clergy , and in justification of Sir Francis Iloi-Kixs—if he knew that Seeky was to have been the marksman , he also must know who the second in command was ; he must know ( or ho must be a liar lor
stating what he docs not know ) all about the mode in wkictt Sir Fiuscis Hopkins was doomed to die , and he is a murderer by withholding those facts from the public . He expresses anxiety to do justice to the character of the victim himself . Let him then , in justice to the character of Sir Francis Hopkins , of the jury , and of the offended law , come forward
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and establish upon evidence what he has dared to publish under tha protection of secresy as to his name . The writer then proceeds with the following atrocious libel against Dr . Caniwell and the thirty priests who joined in the requiem to the murdered man ; and we assert , without fear of contradiction , that a more gross and scandalous libel never appeared in print , and that a jury of English Protestants , under the direction of Lord Chief Justice Dbnmas , would fiat our opinion by a verdict of Guilty against the libeller . He proceeds thus— " But what can be thought of the system that has so blinded the moral sense of these thirty persons—what of the spiritual tyranny that holds up as a martyr the victim whom they doomed to an IGNOMINIOUS DEATH , TO . '__ _>
PRESERVE THEIR POWER OVER MEN'S minds , and have an opportunity of libelling the laws and British institutions and connexion ? " we will add but a word to this climax—and what can be thought of tbo ruffian who professes a thorough knowledge of the circumstances interesting to all Mankind , and who yet has the dastardly cowardice to withhold proof of them from the world ? Or wha t can be thought of a base and brutal press , which , under the protectionof an anonymous slanderer , would seek to fabricate facts to aid in the defence of the murderers of an innocent man . While the press of
the factious teems with libels upon the dead , and those who would rescue . their . narnes from the world ' s censure , it shall be our task to take the mask of hyprocrisy off the murderers , and to expose their hypocritical advocates to the criticism of sound opinion and the punishment of self-reflection . This last murder of an Irish Catholic shall not be hastily forgotten , nor shall English sympathy cease until English Chartism has established its first monument in Ireland , . by locating the widow and orphans in a habitation of their own , from which tyrants cannot drive them , or tyrants' laws eject them .
Hie people are too much in the habit of resting satisfied with the mere temporary expression of their horror of such deeds ; but if they will prevent their recurrence , they must seek justice in season and out of season , for every victim who fulls by the hand ot tho assassin , whether it be the Austrian bloodhound or the anti-Catholic Saxou law . No ! Skehy ' s murder shall neither be forgotten nor forgiven .
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THE TEN HOURS' BILL . OiN Wednesday next Mr . Fielden brings on his motion for a Ten Hours' Bill . A motion which , it properly understood by the working classes , and unimpeded by free trade ' millownors , would be looked upon by the nation at large as of paramount importance , even of greater importance than all the measures that have been discussed siuce the meeting of Parliament . ¦ It is strange that that portion ot the press which , when injopposition to government , made
advocacy of the Ten . Hours' Bill a sine qmnon in the qualification of representatives , has now , since its adhesion to the Pekl administration and the Peil policy , become mute upon the subject . It is not less strange , however , that those of the working classes who profess a desire for its accomplishment , should anticipate more beneficial results from the canvassing of individual members , than from public exposure of the atrocities under the present system > and from appeal to the interests , if not the feelinga , of the middle classes generally .
The Ten Hours' Bill delegates now in London would vainly hope to achieve their object without Chartist intervention ; and , believing that victory is within their reach , they weuld deny participation in the "lory to their Chartist brethren . We tell them , however , that every movement made in advance by Sir Robert Peel , every " bid" offered by Lord John Russell , and every forward step taken by parties and public men , are all so many confessions of Char - tist strength — so many tributes to the undying perseverance of Chartism ; mid tliat from the Chartist body alone can emanate such an agitation , iindsuull a direction of the national mind , as can insure the success of any national project . It is true
that while they advocate peace and moral appliances alone , that they have been d enounced as destructives by a profligate press and by interested slanderers . It is true , ttiat while they advocate temperance , they have been branded as drunkards . It is true , that while they deny the right of one man to interfere with the religion of another , that they have been branded as infidels and Socialists ; and it is true , that wiiiie they are the creators of all wealth , and have , therefore , the greatest interest in its preseiva tion , that they have been stigmatised as the de . atroyers of property . But , it is alsj true , that no party in the State , save the Chartist party , represents tho national mind of the country .
Why , then , upon this critical aisd all-important subject , seek to strip the question of its fairest plumage , to denude it of its greatest strength ? Wa invited the country to elect a Convention io sit in London previous to the introduction of Mr . Fielden's motion , which would have bespoke the national will , but the Short Time Committee , in obedience to a paltry policy , and from a dread of running counter to the interests and prejudices of some free trade em . ploycrs , have hoped to confine this national flame within the precincts of free trade toleration , We tell them , as we have often told them before , that this is
a boon that must be forced from their fears , and that will never be conceded by their love of justice . They boivst of wealth , and can command ample funds to dolugethe country with tracts , establishing the right , tho justice , and the propriety of the measure . We have furnished them ourselves with topics for volumes . We have brought the subject under its two most important heads , RESTRICTION and DISTRIBUTION , within the compass of the i meanest understanding . We have shewn , which they may more familiarly illustrate , that this measure
would place LABOUR the PARENT , and CAPITAL the CHILD , in their just , their proper , and legitimato relation one to the other . That it would go far to relieve the real middle classes , the shopkeeping community , and small traders from the imposition of poor rates , police rates , and local legal expenses , now multiplied to an enormous amount by tke cupidity , the caprice , and injustice of leviathan capitalists , who direct and controul machinery for their own individual benefit , regardless of the hardship that their monopoly imposes upon their inferiors in wealth and station .
We have shown how the measure would strip the labour-market of its present idle reserve , and throw the unwilling idlers into honourable and emulative , instead of ^ disgraceful and injurious , competition in the labour-market . We have shown how the hours diverted from toil to mental improvement would advance the moral , and consequently the social and physical condition of the people . Wo have shown hi , w the change would conduce to the moral elevation of the
women of England and the children of Englaud , and wo have refuted the libellous assertion that the hours spared from toil would bo devoted to drunkenness and dissipation . But if we want an argument that comes home to the mind of every man who is compelled to Bell his labour to another , do we require more than the fact that Bright and the free traders , Fox and the pious preachers , with their tribe of hired lecturers and their p rostitute press , are the sternest opponents of the measure .
Must net the continuance of the present system bo considered of paramount importance to the owners of machinery , when a pious Quaker will disgrace himself by the expression of wilful falsehood in the Senate-house to maintain it ? We have made a calculation which , if put forth to the world by the Short Time Committee , must have insured the CO-OperatlOll of the middle classes in favour of a Ten Hours' Bill Wo have laboured hard to prove , AND WE lLVYli PROVED , that the unjust accumulation of an over grown fortune by one man , which legitimately belong to , and should be distributed among , those who havo produced it , is an act of the greatest injustice to the shopkecping community . And we have proved , that ot all the interests most at variance , are those of
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tht' millowners and the shopkeepers . We have shown" that £ 50 , 000 a-year , divided amongst 2 , 000 individuals , would be more profitably expended among thd shopkeepers in a district , than the same sum usurped afl the lion's share by one employer . If ever there was a time when Parliament was ready to legislate ' favourably upon this subject , it is now ; and if ever the mind of the middle daises of London was ripe to hear argument upon the subject , it is tke present ; when remission of labour in comparatively insignificant employment is demanded by shopmen and others , and acquiesced in by their empleyers . **•
Never was there so great a question preceded by such culpable apathy . The working dasscB , who now toil their very lives out , and bring on a premature eld age , to be spent unheeded and uncared for in the loathsome baatile , should not lose the opportunity which even yet presents itself of backing the measure by their petitions . Thore is not a man who fuels an interest in the restoration of Fbost , Wibmams , and Jones , who should not feel an equal interest in the reduction of the hours of labour ; and on their
behalf 3 , 000 , 000 of signatures were presented , withlcss than ten days' notice , to the House of Commons . The same number of signatures would secure a Ten Hours' Bill , and the working classes have yet from Saturday to Tuesday inclusive , four days , to aid Mr . Fieldejj in his struggle . If the time is lost , the fault will bo theirs , not ours . For weeks past wo have endeavoured to arouse the working classes to a sense of their duty upon the subject ; and if they fail in its performance the fault is theirs , not ours . Apart from all other considerations , we wish for two hours spare time each day , in order that the factory slaves may haye the recreation of visiting the freeman ' s habitations , which we hope to establish in their respective neighbourhoods , for contrast between the life of tho slave and the free labourer .
Of this , however , we aro certain , that neither tke dread of a government , the cupidity of employers , nor the . timidity of the labouring classes , can much longer withhold a measure which justice , morals , Christianity , humanity , and even common decency so loudly calls for .
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PARLIAMENTARY REVIEW . Tnx dispute respecting the Oregon territory was formally brought before the House of Lords on Tue 3-day by the Earl of Clarendon , who moved for the production of such portions of the correspondence between tho Foreign Office and our Minister at Washington , as the Earl of Aberdeen might think it consistent with the public weal to lay before Parliament . The tone of the speech by which this motion was introduced was worthy of a statesman of a powerful country , which deprecates , but does not fear , a war ; and which , though prepared to take any
reasonable Btep by which the enormous evils which must ensue from hostilities between two such countries as England and America may be averted , is , at the same time , fully determined to maintain its owa rights and dignity against all unjustifiable claims , or unwarrantable aggressions . The whole conduct of thiscouutry , with reference to this dispute , contrasts most favourably with that of America , and we make the confession with no small mortification . It is painful to us to see the greatest Republic of ancient or modern times imitating the worst features of monarchical brigandage . Tho history of the Old World is
lull of the misery , crime , and bloodshed which have arisen from the all-grasping covetousness of its rulers , and their attempts to seize npon the territories o f others . One would have thought that at this tine of day the people and the statesmen of the New World would not have had to learn the lesson , that the wellbeing of a nation does not so much depend upon its territorial extent as upon the just administration of wise and equitable laws , and the maintenance of institutions calculated to secure internal prosperity and comfort . The " earth hunger" by which our transatlantic neighbours are devoured , is all the more lamentable when it is recollected that of the immense
territory already in their possession , how large a portion yet lies unreclaimed from the primeval wildness of nature , or is but scantily inhabited by the hardy backwoodsmen , the first pioneers of civilisation . In their yet unsettled boundless prairies , and dark forests , they possess tho means of locating a population equal in amount to that of the great empire of the East ; and a quarrel for a few thousand more acres of soil , which can only be reached by traversing a dreary , and in some places an almost impassable desert of upwards of two thousand miles , seems not only utterly unreasonable , but of
the most deplorable description . Lord Clarendon powerfully put tho position assumed by England in this unhappy dispute , when he said , that in proposing to submit the whole question of our claims to arbitration , we had given the best proof to the world that we had advanced none , in the justice of which we were not able to confide ; and that , however confident we were in the belief that these claims were well founded , we were at the same time so little desirous of obstinately adhering to them , that we were quite willing to have the whole case submitted to an impartial tribunal . That the government of the
United Statos will persevere in rejecting this offer ol arbitration , appears to us , as was well expressed by Lord Clarexdon , " A moral impossibility , for there could not be found in the records of any nation an act more wicked than that two countries bound together by the strongest reciprocal ties , should , owing TO THE REFUSAL OF EVERY PEACEFUL OFFER BY ONE OF them , go to ^ uar about an almost unoccupied territory , the whole value of which could not compensate for one single month of war and its evils" This is the ton
which we could have wished to hear the Democracy of the New World speak on such a question , thereby showing to tho old monarchies that Domocracy is identical with " peace on earth and goodwill towards men ; " and leading on by moral example the other nations of the earth to the adoption of those political principles and institutions which practically Test tho government in tho hands of tho whoh people , substituting the rulo of the Many for the despotism of the Few .
Ihe firm but conciliatory speech of Lord Clakexdos drew forth a cautious but equally temperate reply from Lord Aukrdeen , who said that , believing war fl as the greatest calamity that could befall a nation , aid the greatest crime generally that a nation can comm . t , every effort consistent with national honour would le made to avert it . He entertained a strong hope i f bringing the matter to a satisfactory conclusion ; and if , unfortunately , this was not the ease , he was determined that not only should the entire people of this country acquiesce in the propriety of the war , but that our proceedings should be of that conciliatory , just , and moderate character , which would secure the sympathy and approbation of every state in Europo , and of the whole civilised world .
On Wednesday the Fever Bill , introduced by Sir James Graham , was discussed , and a strong representation as to the necessity of a Poor Law for Ireland , upon the principle of the statuto of Elizabeth , was mado by Mr . Wakley . Such a law would make the support of the destitute Jail where it ought to doupon the land and property of Ireland . It is the first duty of property to find employment ; and when it tails to fulfil this duty , it devolves * upon the State to compelita discharge . Let the landowner know , that as often as he givesateuant noUcfc to adding one more to the roll of out-door employment , o * veliel by the parish , the rates to pay for which must
come out of his pocket , and he will become more chary in his evictions , more solicitous of niulm * tlie means of profitably employing those whom he must keep either in active industry or forced idleness . Still , though we agree with Mr . Wakley that the employment and feeding of the people by means of their own industry , thus called into exercise by a perception on the part of the owners of property , that it is for their interest that the people should be industrious , not idle , and consequently destitute , we cannot refuso to the bill of the government our approbation , ao far as it goes . In itself , it is not sufli . cient for the exigencies of Ireland , but , taken in
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connection with other nwasures introduced for the relief of Irish suffcriK'Si and the" tone of government on Irish ' queil ^ M generally , we accept it as an omen of better days , and better legislation for that unfortunate a ^ d oppressed country in future . If there is anything * bich wo could wish to see added to the Fever Bill , it w ; ould ; be a clause extending to opor stives in England and Scotland . Typhus is a perennial plague in all our
great cities , and annually kills more persons than all that fell by the slaughter of Waterloo . Of the misery , destitution , orphanhood , and widowhood which it causes , few can have any conception , who have not practically examined the districts in which it commits its ravages . The attompts to arrest these ravages ought not to bo left to individual charity , but be undertaken by the State , which should institute not only curative but preventive
measures . Since last week the Protectionists have recovered their courage , and instead of making speeches , which , like the passages in old houses , lead to nothing , have followed up their opposition by divisions upon the silk , brandy , cattle , and other items in the new tariff . Another great battle is promised by Lord G . Bentixck upon timber . In every case the Protectionist party have been beaten by varying majorities ; although , we certainly think , that in the case of silk the decision was nnn nfxnink ^ -.,. ! „„* . case oi suk me decision was one of numbersand not
, of argument . The facts adduced by Mr . Bankbs , and Mr . Brockxeuurst , one of the largest manufacturers in the country , as to the effects of free trade upon the wages and comforts of the operatives employed in the silk trade , were , in our opinion , bat slenderly met by the vague generalities of Sir Geo . Clerk and Sir It . Pjsbl , Indeed , some of the freo traders themselves admitted that there were circumstances connected with this trade which almost called for its exemption from their favourite system .
But , for the time being , the star of Free Trade is In the ascendant . Its doctrines are the mania of the hour ; and the Premier , backed by the League , the Whigs , and the 112 Conservative gentlemen , who , as Mr . D'Israeli sarcastically says , " have be . come the regenerators of their country by changing their opinions , " bears down all the opposition of his quondam friends . Their courage under these circumstances is really wonderful ; the dogged obstinacy with which , night after night , they keep up their un . availing struggle , though wearisome , is thoroughly English in its character . " Even though vanquished , they can argue still . "
Ihe Jn Okthekin 8'J'Ak. Saturday, March 21, 184c.
IHE jN OKTHEKiN 8 'J ' AK . SATURDAY , MARCH 21 , 184 C .
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THE POLISH STRUGGLE . " freedom ' s battle once begun , Bequeathed by bleeding sire to son , Though bafled oft , is ever won . "—BiBosf . Poland breathes , even struggles—there is life and hope yet . Though Cracow is lost , and gome hundreds of additional martyrs sleep in their bloody shrouds , we cannot despair of Poland ; no , nor yet even of the ultimate success of the present struggle .
In our latest edition of last Saturday ' s Star we gave publicity to a document purporting to be aa "Address of the PolUh Committee to the British People . " We published that address , not because we approved of it , but because we desired to publish all that related to the Polish struggle , and especially all that the Poles might have to jay for themselves It would have been well , however , had that address never seen the light . It hasleen " a heavy blow and sore discouragement" to the friends of Poland
In their address , this "Polish Committee" sav " Poland is in arms . She is in arms , not for the sake of any ivild theories of government , but for the sake of that which is admitted to be a ri » kt by every reasoner , and felt as aa- instinct by every man ^ national existence . Sbe is in arms , not for the pur . pose of replacing one form of government by another but for the sake of treeing herself from the dominion of foreigners . " Now , once for all , let us tell this "Polish Committee , " that if Poland is in am 3 merely for the snke of nationality , such a cause will not meet with tiie sympathy of the great mass of the
British people . We desire the restoration of Poland ' s nationality , because we believe that restoration to bo one of the necessary means to the great end of Poland ' s 'regeneration . But the mere nationality of Polatd—that is , the substitution of the tyranny of Polish aristocrats for the tyranny of Nicholas ; Ferdixand , and Frederick William , has none of our sympathy . We war against systems rather than men ; we only war against men , when , as the supporters of bad systems , they render their own destruction necessary in order that the systems they support may be destroyed . Tyranny is tyranny all
the world over , and if the mass of the Polish people are to be trampled on , it matters little whether their tyrants are Poles or Russians . The " Polish Corn , mittee" repudiate " wild theories of government . " This is the cant always employed by aristocrats to conceal their hatred of justice . We know what this language means . The Cracow manifesto proclaimed the abolition of all privileges , universal citizenship , the destruction of class property in land , the right of every man to the products of his own industry , and fraternity with all men . These , according to the " Polish Committee" in London , are all " wild
theories . ' Under the guise of invoking Briiish sympathy , they have issued a counter-revolutionary address , which can hardly fail to injure the cause of which they are the professed champions . But who are the men that comp ose this "Polish . Coiumittee ? " Do they really represent . the Polish emigrants residing in England ? Net at all . They aro but a faction and a fraction of the Polish emigration . Thoyare the A'inc ,. AdamitcS , or partisans of Prince Czaktoryski , who wish to impose a king on Poland They are but a fraction of the emigration , both in France and England , and their sentiments are
abhorred by the great mass of the emigrant Poles who are democrats . But if so , it may be asked Why have not the democratic Poles replied to the counterrevolutionary address of tho " Polish Committee ?" Because , under present circumstances , such a reply would have a bad effect ; it would exhibit disunion amongst the Poles themselves , which would be fatal to their cause . We , therefore , think that the Polish democrats have acted wisely and discreetly in abstaining at present from protesting against the sentiments of the five aristocrats calling themselves the "Polish Committee . "
A few words moro to the King-Adamites , and we have done with them . That they , a small minority of the emigration absent from Poland , should 4 through the farce of electing a king for their countrymen is tho wildest theory" of government we ever heard . ell of . We saw recently that Prince Ouanmu had abdicated his pretensions to the throne of Uland k so doing he acted discreetly , and we adv . se lus partisans not to attempt to induce heir chief to resume the pretensions he has laid aside Let them , with becoming modesty , leave it to tho Pousk people to choose their own government , which , we doubt not , will be a government based on the great principle of the Cracow lasHivfesto —justice to all , privilege to none !
We said at the commencement of this article , that we did not despair of the success , even of the present struggle . That the Russian , Austrian , and Prussian Despotisms are conspiring to prevent Western Europe being informed of the fads of the struggle is very evident . The German papers publish only tho news supplied to them by tho governmentofficials , under tlie jealous supervision of tho censorship . The Prussians and Anstrians have established a double line of troops along the whole of the frontiers , so that tho news-gatherers for the French and English journals can learn little or nothing of what is passing . One thing is certain , that a large body of the patriots have entrenched themselves in the defiles of tho
Carpathian mountains ; they aro said to number three thousand , but it is probable that they are aj ; least double that number . In the Carpathian mountains they are in communication with Gallicia on the one side , and Hungary on the other , in both of which , the materials of revolution abound . The Carpathian mountains ave full of difficult passes and defiles , and the Poles nwy hold out for almost an indefinite poriod . It must be evident that but a slight success
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4 THE NORTHERN STAR . March 21 , 18 46 . m « -- _ __ . ~>*« a « ft « A ' * ' ¦ ' ' . ¦¦
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), March 21, 1846, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1359/page/4/
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