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if on ign twicliigcjice.
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DO YOU WANT LUXURIANT ANV) BEAUTIFUL DAHJ, Wlllj'KI'lKS, Ac?
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tfSALTH WKKKE 'TIS SOUGHT ! HO LL . O W A Y » S PILLS , Cure of . a -Disordered Liver and Stomach , ivken in a most hopeless state . Extract of a Letter from air . Matthew Ilarvcv , of Ciia ;« Hall , Airilric , Scotland , dated the 15 th of January , L * Sm , —Your valuable piil 3 Iiuva been the moani , nitl God'a blessing , of restoring me to : t state of perfect health , and at a tiuie when I thought l \ yas on t ; io brink of tte grave . I find consulted several eminent doc ; > rs . r . lw , after doing . what they could for me , stated that tV .-v ,.. • ' - «¦] my case as hopeless . 1 ought to say that I Is Ii . iting from a Hver and stomach complaint ol' - ¦ :- :, which during the last two years got so mutv ¦ i :
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FRANCE . The discussion on the Revision of the Constitution ( continued from our 1 -. st ) was resumed by M . Michael db Bcurges who ascended the rH = une , an : ! rsii J . ^ ar he and his frhntli were not J ' raifltl . ai the principle they advocated shuuld be ascuseed ; they , however weak , however unskilful , ^ / lthe contrary urged th ? ir opponents ! o d ' .-cnss thrir pnnciple . Th ' : S- ; who contested > ha ? ight confGnae ;] in a monarchical tradiiicn . Jit and his friends had ib ? . pretession of bsing reason itself-( Laughter . ) The people insiinciivefy defended the . Republic . T- ; e revision was a bad thing , for it implied : io ijrsat respect ' or she c-mstiJutioit , or at
least for its spirit . Ti ; ose who attacked it , attacked sockty itf < -lf . Th » R-p-iblic was proclaimed in February , " l 848 . hy ihe people , and the constituent Assembly hail sa ! eim : ! y adhe ^ d to if . The reactionist lia « 3 tvinccd much skill , and ab ' . y pro fited hv ' . he faults , of their adversaries . They had crept into the c-iu ^ cHs of the Republic , sacrificed the man who had fought their ba ' . tie a : id rendered tUctu immense services , and placed the reins of Ihe Government of the Republic in tha hands nf £ Pretender , and the hig h offices of the State in those of the Royalists . It was a wonder to him how l ! -e H ^ Dublic rst livd under those circumstance :. The
Republicins were only 200 ia Ihe Assembly ; their adversaries mastered 500 ; they had at llieir disposal an army <> l 500 , 000 men , and a legion of Royalist functionaries , and yet the Republic was standing ! M . Michael da Bourges then c ? st a retrospective ^ iew on the progress of R ? pnblican ideaB during the last thirty years . He concluded by expressing Lis intention of voting against the zeviaion . ( L ' -ud cheers . ) il . Berrver c > njbatt 3 d the argnroenJs of M . Michael tie ikurges , and supported the revision ol the constitution in a speech which gained much app lause from the Ri g ht .
M . Pascal Duprat then rose and procetdeu at once to vindicate the convention from the accusations levelled against its aeis hy M- Barryer . Us in the first place avowed himself a descendant of the Convention , but he spoke as a freed emancipated Frenchman by means of the revolution of 1789 . He arzued that the Convention was a battle ground on fthicb had to be fought the cause of human liberty . That excesses had been committed and blood had been shed in tbat battle , was what he admitted wiih regret . They should recoiled , he said , that the Convention had declared it would not ceaie to act in a revolutionary manner unlil the conclusiono / peace ; and had not the Conventionalists
beat b 2 ck an invasion and rescued Toulon from the Eozlish , in ' . o whose banns it had been betrayed by the " Ilovalists ? In this strain the honourable gentleman proceeded for some time , amidst ihe encouraging cheers of the Monljgnards ; and thfn he produced extracts from historians in vindication of the men whom he bad heard so violently attacked . In turn he retaliated on the monarchy , winch he accused of havinc , ia the massed ";; of St . Birtholomew alone , sacrificed more tieiims in one sight than could be put to the cMarge of the Republic throughout its whole agitated career . He then proceeded to argue that the restoration of monarchy was no longer possible , even if its
partisans were united , which they were not . Even the views of M . de Falloux , M . Berryer , and M . de la Roehejaquelin did not correspond , although they were all three Legitimists ; but how might he not widen the differences amongst them if he should examine other sections of the monarchist parlies . As for the fusion , it was a dream . There could be no fusion , because there could be no reconciliation between the men of 1815 and the men of 1830 . Too many bitter recollections arose to render it possible . How could the partisans of the Count of Chombord forgive those who imprisoned the Duchess of Berry in the Chateau of Blaye ? He then took up the question of the prolongation of powers , which bad most incensistently been first
mooted by the very men who had so strenuously blamed the military banquets and the reviews , and the subsequent speeches at Dijon and Poitiers . They proposed to open the way to ( he re-election of Louis Napoleon for the most extraordinary of all reasons that they feared it . But they were mistaken in snpposing that the uame had the prestige which surrounded it in 1843 . That prestige had been destroyed by the expedition to Rose , and by the other illiberal acts which had been committed by his government . ( Loud cheers . ) He would not and could not ba re-elected , and his miuisteis ought , instead of urging petitions , to tell the country honestly that the President was not re-eligible . Should he be re-elected ia an unconstitutional
manner , then the Assembly would do its duty and defend the Constitution . 51 . de u Rocitej 4 o . uei . is said that after the direct allusion to his name , he could not remain silent . He would not admit that the republic had any exclusive right to a national basis . lie himself , is was well known , had advocated & direct appeal to the people on the question oi republic or monarchy . IJis feelings on that subject had unfortunately been the cause of a split between him and his friends . Yet after tbe turn the discussion bad taken , he would ask whether they were debating any other question than that of monarchy or republic , and if they wanted to call a Constituent
Assembly , did they not seek to impregnate the country with their own sentiments , so as that that Assembly should be monarchically disposed ? He was opposed to all such Indirect methods of proceeding . He wished to bare the question of monarchy or republic put forth unequivocally and clearly . M . Berryer , althoiagh they happened not to agree on this point , yet admitted with him that the basis of the monarchy was no other than national . It was derived from the nation , and could oniy be restored through the nation . A 3 M . Dupin had asked , how indeed could it be otherwise ! It was for this reason
that he was opposed to the law of the 31 st of May , because it stood in the way of that appeal to the nation whioh he , a Monarchist to tbe heart ' s core , advocated ia the interest of bis cause . He was so much a friend to the free expression of the national ¦ will , that if the country did re-elect Louis Jfapoleon even unconstitutionally , he could not see how such an expression could be resisted , In his eyes all questions sank before that of an appeal to the nation on the question of monarchy , which , instead of being presented ia an indirect manner , ought to be put forward clearly and distinctly .
The calm attitude which the Assembly had pre served during the previous sittings was broken on Thursday lait by tbe impassioned eloquence of Victor Hugo . Seldom has a more stormy series of explosions been witnessed than were called forth by tbe uncompromising positions of the great poet orator . Notwithstanding the jeremiads of the moderate papers about the scandalous provocation of the speaker , one can only regret that the fervid Unguage of republican conviction cannot be listened to as patiently by the majority as the royalism of MM . Berryer and de Falloux by the
minority . The latter , whose languid and feeble flattery of kings was heard with patient disdain by the Mountain , signalised himself on Thursday by taunting Victor Hugo , in the midst of hia impetuous harangue , with a miserable personality . While the orator was dealing with matter purely political , M . -de Falloux threw in his face the pension which he had received from the Monarchy , and flourished in his fingers the letter of thanks which M . Hugo had written to Charles X . Nothing could be more creditable to the poet than tbe triumphant manner in ithich he answered this mean charge . While a mere lad he received from Louis XVIII . a oension
of £ 80 . Later the government of Charles X . prevented the drama of ' Marion Delorme ' from being represented on the stage ; but the king , in order to compensate the author for this prohibition , offered him 120 f . in addition to the former pension . This offer Victor Hugo declined . Nothing could be more pitiable than the figure cut by M . de Falloux ia the face of the explanation . Accordingly , after the descent of the speaker from tbe tribune , he revenged himself upon M . Hugo by a wretched series af personalities , in tbe worat possible taste . M . Dupin , instead of protecting M . Hugo against the shower of gibes and scoffs which were directed against his magnificent speech , drily observed that it was the orator who made his audience . At moments the SSL ^ S ^" ^* "Me HW * rose and the
en maue , bench of ministers bawled and aeatieulated hkemen possessed . But M . Hugo baffled these ungenerous attempts to drown his powerful speech by admirable presence of mind , and in M 0-pomontothe rageof his persecnton LashedI them w : tn greater severity . At the aoisy ciose of his harugae , be answered the brutal personalities of M . de Falloux and his brother legitimists bv sparkling ud refined wit . -Your ideas , ' said he , . ^ re no ! ytt Kturntd from emigration . ' In fine , whatever trie merit ot Victor Hugo ' B princi ples of government , he drew on Thursday a most powerful picture of the errors of the monarchy , and exposed w * th consummate success the littleness of " aim of the raj el pan : i in proportion to the vast requirements in rheaje and country . The frankaes 3 with which - "•<¦ < it L iroc ^ jaquelin . developed hia ideas fcras a
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favourable contrast to the mock deference of M . de Fdlloux for the principles nf 1789 . THURSDAY . M . Victor Hugo said he would only accept the debate under a protest against the law of the 31 st of May , which had destroyed universal suffrage , and against all kindred laws , such as the laws against the press and against the right of public meeting . Till all those laws were unconditionally abrogated , what could the majority hope or expect from revision : He wondered that Urn majority , who laid claim exclusively to the designation of practical men , should bring forward the proposition with the certainty of failure , in the face of the immutable minority who were the inflexible guardians of the sovereignly of the people . It was a waste of
precious public time , and a disturbance of public tranquili-ty , but since it was the good pleasure of the majority , he was ready to argue with them . In spite of all the proteatations and distinctions of M . de Falloux , of M . Berryer , and M . de Broglie , he would declare that their attack upon the Republic was nothing but an attack upon the whole revolution from 1789 downwards . The revolution was the manifestation of the Republic . They were as inseparable as the dawn and the sun . There might lie masks in the Assembly , but there were no dupes . Had the Constitution been fairly and honestly tried during the last three years he could have understood a demand for revkion for the purpose of developing democratic ideag , for realising those principles , some of which the Constitution had only declared—the essential ri ghts of the people , the right
of labour , to organised assistance the abolition of punishment of death , gratuitous instruction , freedom of the press , freedom of conscience , freedom of speech ; the abolition , in short , of all obstacles to the physical and moral progress of man . If , it had been said , the Constitution of the French Republic should be the charter of human p rogress in the nineteenth century , the immortal testament of civilisation , the political bible of the nations , it should approach as nearly as possible to absolute social truth , therefore let us revise the Constitution , that he could have understood , but that in the middle of the nineteenth century they should be told , there is a great light in France , let us put it out ; that they should be told , the French people have hewn out of indestructible granite the first stone of that vast edifice that will hereafter be called the United
States of Europe —( loud and long continued cheering)—that they have made a revolution unheard of in history , the ideal of great philosophers realised by a great people—that they should be told all this , and then that it should be added , we are going to destroy this revolution ; we will extinguish this Republic ; we will snatch this book of progress from tbe people ' s hands ; we will raze out the dates 1792 , 1830 , and 1848 ; we will bar the way against that rash giant who does nil things without consulting us , and whose name is Providence;—thai this should be said , that this should be dreamed of , overwhelmed him with astonishment . Proceeding to argue the question which was before them , of
republic or monarchy , he said that what was called the fusion had simplified the question : there were but two monarchies ^—the monarchy of principle , which was legitimacy , and the monarchy of glory , as certain privileged journals called it , which was she empire . He would in the first place deny tbat monarchy was a principle . Monarchy had never been anything else but a fact . ( Great interruption . ) He repeated that thepossefsionof a whole people by one man or one family could have been but a fact , and when the fact ceased to exist there was an end of it . Nut a vestige of right remained . A repub . lie might be suppressed in fact , but the right would remain . Tbe rights of kings in this age , in this
place , is a mere nonsensical word . But will you take the lower ground of utility , will you say tbat democracy is bad , for a state , and that royalty is better , tbat political stability is the fruit of hereditary monarchy ? Let us see . What are your griefs against the republic of 1848 ?¦ Insurrections ? But monarchy had plenty . Tbe state of finance ? Constitutional monarchy was dear enough , and was the inventor of large budgets , but your real monarchy , your monarchy of principle , your monarchy of fourteen centuries sometimes made itself wilfully bankrupt . ( Laughter and cheers . ) . Your great Louis XIV . now and then scared proprietors , to cite Boileau , A Vaspect d ' un arret qui retranche un quartier .
A royal decree which takes a quarter of the subjects' income , is a royal bankruptcy . ( Great interruption . ) Under the regency the monarchy pocketed —that is not an elegant word , but it is the true one—350 millions by altering the currency . Louis XV . was bankrupt nine times in sixty years . ( Long interruptions , caused by a voice calling out , ' What of poets' pensions V Here M , Victor Hugo triumphantly disposed of the mean charge brought against him by M . de Falloux , of having accepted a pension from Louis XV ; II . ) Cardinal Dubois described monarchy as a strong government , because it could become bankrupt as often as it liked . ( Much laughter . ) The republic of 1848 was not bankrupt ,
nor , if let alone , would ever become ae . The republic bad made no war . He might say , in the interest of peace , that it bad been almost too pacific , for its sword , but half-drawn , would Lave sufficed to send many formidable sabres rattling back into their scabbard . There are miserable accusations against tbe republic that go tbe round of your newspapers . There are the commissioners of Ledru Rollin , the forty-five centimes , and the Socialist Conferences at the Luxembourg . Ah ! beware of the Luxembourg , for there you may chance to meet the shade of Marshal Ney . ( Great uproar . ) Men of worn out parties , you misunderstand contemporary phenomena . Because monarchy has vanished , you say
France is vanishing . It is an optical delusion , France is one thing , and monarchy another . France remains and grows great—understand that . France was never greater—foreigners know it , but , it is sad to say , you do not . The orator here drew a Btriking picture of the varied miseries wbicb had been endured by the royal family- of France , and asked if their friends would replace that family iu the muchenvied Tuileries , to invite a repetition of the same history . He said that within a very short time pror perty and commerce would come to understand that the republic was terra firma , and tbat monarchy was the dangerous ground , and tbat then the royalist party would be finally extinguished . In answer
to M . Berryer ' s assertion that France could never accommodate itself to a republic , he asserted that similar prophecies had been made in opposition to representative government ; that tbe republic wob a natural step onwards ; that the masseB would soon find their equilibrium , and that what was called the political fever , and was so injudiciously sought to be repressed , was but a wholesome fermentation . He contrasted the royalists of - tbe present day with their ctriulioiu ancestors who fought in La Vendee , and did not reserve tbe confession of tbeir political faith till all danger was gone by—men who openly made war upon the revolution , and did not insidiously seek to steal it—men who did not come
peaceably and quietly to stammer out ' Vive le Roi in the Assembly , after proclainiiug the republic twenty-six times . He would resume all that he had said of the monarchy of principle . In one word , legitimacy was dead in France . But there was another class of monarchists , who rauBt be taken to express the opinion of the government , because their journals bad the exclusive privilege of being { sod in the streets ; who said : ' True legitimacy is impossible—divine right is dead ; hut tbe other monarchy , tbat of glory—the empire—is not only possible , but necessary . ' Where did this glory exist ? He was looking about for it . He found every liberty successively entrapped and bound ,
universal suffrage betrayed , socialist manifestos resulting in a Jesuitical policy , and for a government one vest intrigue , ( Murmere . ) History would say that it was a conspiracy—( Great sensation)—some incredible understanding , that the republic is to be the foundation of the empire , and which has made a sort of Bonapartist free-masonary of 500 , 000 place-holders ; every reform stifled or postponed , burdensome taxes maintained or re-ea > tablished , six departments in a state of siege , amnesty refused , transportation aggravated , the press shackled , juries packed ; too little justice and too much police ; misery at the foo t , anarchy at the head , of the social state . Abroad tbe corpse of the Reman republic , Austria , that is the gallows , with
her foot upon Hungary , upon Lombard ) , upon Milaa , upon Venice , a latent coalition of kings , waiting for an opportunity . Oaf diplomacy dumbbe would not say an accomplice—Turkey abandoned to the Czar . Kossulh languishing in a dungeon in Asia Minor . This is our situation . France bows her head , Napoleon quivers with shame in his tomb , and 6 , 000 coquins shout * Vive 1 'Erapereur . ' ( Btavos on the Left . ) People might say , But nobody dreams of empire . II * s habit was to tear off masks . What was then the meaning of the cries ef' Vive TE iupereur , ' and who paid ihe parties that uttered them ? Wbat was the m-aninj , ' ot the ridiculous petitioning for a prolongation of tr- p President ' s powers ? Prolongation meant consulate for life , and that meant empire . ' Gentle-
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men , ' he exclaimed , ' there is an intrigue ' an in . trigue , I tell you . I have a right to search into it-I do so . Come , let in daylight upon all this . ' France must not one day find herself with an emperor , without knowing the reason . Because there was once a man who gained the battle of Marengo , who reigned , is the man to rei gn who gained the battle of Satory ? ( Laughter . ) " Became ten centuries ago Charlemagne , after forty years of glory * let fall on the face of the globe a sceptre and a sword of such proportions that none dars to touch them ; and because one thousand years later—for nature requires no less a period of gestation to produce such men—another genius caught up that sword and sctptre ; a man who chained revolution in France and unchained it in the rest of Europe ;
wbo add-rd to His name the brilliant synonyms cf Rivoli , Jena , Essling , Friedland , Mon'mirail ; because this man , after ten years of fabulous glory , at length pxbausted , let all this sceptre and this sword of Charlemagne , you are to take in your little hands the giant ' s sceptre , tha Titan ' s sword . What to do ? What ? after Augustus , Augustulus ? Because we once had Napoleon the Great must we now have Napoleon the little ? ( Isidiscribable uproar and conflicting cheers followed this sentence , and it was many minutes before silence was restored . ) M . Victor Hugo claimed the freedom of the tribune . He would say a truce with parodies . To put an eagle on the flag there must first be an f ugle at the Tuileries . Where was tbe eagle ?
M . Leon Faucher . —The speaker insults the President of the Republic . (• Yea , yes , ' on the Rig ht . ) M . Victor Hugo . —I am unable to understand the observation which has been made . It cannot be an insult to the Prsident to say that he is not great . ( Laughter . ) What we ask of the President , and what we confidently expect from him is not that be should retain power like a great marii but that he should quit it like an honest one . ( Applause on the Left . ) The orator then , at , much
length , accused tbe majority of relying upon Russian cannon to support their principles , which ae cusation produced violent outcries , and M . Victor Hugo was called to order by the President . He concluded his speech amidst much interruption , by alluding to the approach of 1852 , dwelling upon the dangers of the law of May 31 , but confidentl y predicting that , let the struggle come when it might , two combatants only would finally be lef ; standing—God and the people . ( On descending , he was enthusiastically congratulated by tbe whole of the Left . )
In the sitting to-day M . Carnot rose to explain the words used by him , and alluded to yesterday by M . de Falloux . He had said that he preferred having the Cossacks at Paris to having the Jesuits , because tbe CosBacks would become Republicans one day , which would never be the case with the Jesuits . M . Ney de la Moskawa explained the motives which had determined him - in accepting a seat- in the Chamber of Peers , notwithstanding the execution of his father . Tbe debate on revision was resumed by
M . Baroche , who was surprised tbat after having bitterly criticised the constitution , M Hugo had concluded against revision . He then showed , by quoting tbe chief arguments of the speakers of the Left , that the main ground which they assigned for resisting revision was the policy of the majority in passing a series of repressive laws . By this argument M . Barocbe sought , with a certain degree of dexterity , to unite the whol majority as on a question nf order against the Left . He then attempted to show that the constituent to be appointed would be as free and as truly the ex * pression of public opinion as the first constituent , appointed under the stress of a commercial crisis
and the pressure of commissaries and circulars . The constitution he represented as having been inspired by a feeling of distrust and personal hostility against the executive power . ( At these words M . Bazeand M . Dufaure demanded to speak , with great vivacity . Great agitation suceeeded the remark of M . Barocbe , the Mountain seeming radiant with satisfaction . Groups formed , and engaged in very animated conversation . A vehement altercation took place between General Bedau and M . Leoa Faucher . General Lamoriciere signalised himself by the animation of his gestures . General Cavaignac quitted the bench of the committee to speak to Lamoriciere . The sitting was suspended
for a quarter of an hour , in the niidat of an inde . scribable agitation . ) Silence having been re-established , M . Baroche said that he had either expressed himself ill , or that his language had been misinterpreted . Had it been imagined that he had meant to question the powers of the constituent to frame the constitution ? Such an idea was as remote as possible from his mind . The question was , whether they would appoint a fresh constituent , ia consequence of the circumstanced which had accompanied the elections of 1843 . He had spoken of personal distrust . Well ; he appealed to all members of the constituent who were present whether , upon the third reading of tbe constitution , there had not arisen propositions which
expressed distrust , not indeed against the . person of the President , but against the design attributed to him . M . Baroche then proceeded to make a personal attack upon M . V . Hugo ; but , having been recalled to the question , he protested that the in tentions of the President and of his government were to observe tbe limits of legality . He enlarged upon the claims of the President to the gratitude of tbe country and the respect of the Assembly for having re-established order ; and he concluded by abjuring the Assembly to vote the revision . ( M . Victor Hugo then offered a few words in justification of himself against the attack of M . Baroche , which provoked the jeers and murmurs of the Right . )
FRIOAV . The greater part of the Assembly ' s sitting was absorbed b y p etty personalities and trivial recriminations . An allusion of M . de Falloux called up M . Carnot ; and the former in apologising fell foul again of Victor Hugo , who clamoured in vain to exercise the right of reply . Ney de la Moskowa had then to recur to the painful subject of his father ' s execution , which appeared in the list of the poet ' s charges against monarchy . M . Baroche , as if to divert the attention of the Assembly from the irritating assault which he had made on the legality of the elections of the Constituent took to heaping fresh abuse upon Victor Hugo and plunging the
debate once more into the noisy sphere of personalities , M . Hugo having painfully succeeded in obtaining permhmon to defend himself against all these attacks , grazed in bis reply the susceptibilities of tbe Mountain by repudiating all alliance with the insurgents of May 15 th and June 24 th . MM . B . Haspail and de Flotte required all the vigour of their neighbours , Michel ( de BourgeB ) and others , to hold them down . In short , during three hours tbe Assembly exhibited a scene , as it were , of parliamentary pugilism ; closed at length by a timely mot from M . Dupin , who said when M . Dufaure mounted the tribune , that it was past five o ' clock , and the debate was going now to begin .
M . Dufaure replied to M . Baroche . If he could have chosen the time to speak , he would not have taken part in this solemn debate at ' a moment when the Assembly was so agitated by the violent personilities to which they had listened . He much preferred their three first sittings to the two which had followed . He deeply lamented the tone in which the Minister of Foreign Affairs ( M . Baroche ) bad permitted himself to speak of the Constitution . There he had taken great pains to protest his respect for it , but he had at the same time let fall assertions and allusions which be ( M . Dufaure ) had often seen before in the journals , and which became of grave import now that they were repeated from
the tribune . It bad been contended that the constituent assembly did not truly represent tbe country , because it was elected under the influence of the circulars and of the commissioners of the provisional government . It was well known , and it was to the honour of the country , that the means employed by the provisional government lost them more votes than they gained . The constituent assembly was elected by ten millions of citizens . It may be that there are organic vices in the constitution which require to be reformed—that is opi'n to discussion—but meanwhile do not , for heaven ' s sake , attenuate the authority of that constitution
upon which this Assembly , the President of the Republic , all the powers of the state , tbe public peace alike repose ; do not let loose all those bad passions which would destroy all the good which we have done during the last three years , and leave nothing standing but unbridled revolution . He had advocaied the principle that the constitution , unlike the characters that had preceded it , should not pretend to be immutable and eternal , but that it shou ' ld be subject to revision , This Assembly being the jmk « of the r . ecessily and opportunity of revising it , " and no- * bs one of t ! ie judges he would give his rvinini . lie the ? , a ' . hid- 'd to the very great difficulties ' wh ! : h the framers of the constitution had bid to cwterd
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with at a time when the public mind was so unhinged , at a time when the immense success of M . La martine ' s Girondins had , veiling the horrors of 1793 , tended to make the republicans of 1848 plagiarists of the former Republic , at a time when tvhat were called Socialist principles , and which he bRiieved were incompatible with any durable government , were so widely spread . They had succeeded in excluding from the constitution aDy trace of these destructive and Utopian principles . More , they had restored the irreuioveability of the judges , which the provisional government had abolished and had reversed many other innovations . It was not surprising that a ' constitution which thwarted so many
ideas should find critics on all sides of the Assembly , M . Batoche had said that he had heard nobody defend tbe constitution , to which he would answer that though he had listened to more tnagnificsnt speeches than he had ever before heard in his life , he h ad heard no one specify precisely what were those vices in the constitution , considered as a republican one , which absolutely required immediate revision . If they would start from this point , tbat the fraracrs of the constitution were necessarily excluded by their mandate from preserving any idea of munarchial power in a republic or from maintaining what had been called a ' pays legal , ' they would pe rhaps find that the constitution was pretty nearly what it ought to have been . To reproach the constitution with having failed to prevent conflic ts between ihe powers of the state , was
unreasonable . Mr . Canning had said that , To look for perfection in any human constitution was unreasonable , because it was irrational to hope to attain perfection , ' No government , unless it were a convention or a despotism , could be secure from conflicts . It was impossible that any law could entirely supply the place of reason and prudence . He admitted that there were imperfections in the constitution , but he fouud that all the attacks upon it were , in reality , attacks upon the republic . M . Berreyer ' s whole argument reduced itself to the assertion that the republic was impossible , because it was antipathetic to our manners and habits . His political- associations were not republican , but he bad accepted the republic with less enthusiasm than some of those who were now opposed to if , but when his constituents had sent him to
deliberate on the new order of things he had accepted his mandate seriously . He had not been Able to satisfy himself that the republic which he would define to universal suffrage and temporary executive power was in antipathy with the feelings of the country . He thought the public mind would easily accustom itself to the frequent renewal of ihe executive power in the same manner as it had done with respect to the Legislative . He found that under tbe existing republic property was safe , family ties were respected , the laws were executed
the army was disciplined , and the revenue was collected with even more than ordinary punctuality . He saw no reason for putting all this in jeopardy , « nd he was persuaded that if the Assembly were to propose the revision with a view to put the question of monarchy or republic to the electors , it would lead to a civil war . There were particular parts of the country , in Brittany for instance , where tbe peasantry had still an ardent affection for the royal race ; in other parts the republican feeling was equally strong ; but on the whole he believed that France had not anv verv ardent faith
either in monarchy or republicanism , but only de sired a government that would ensure the well-being of which she stood in need . He would conclude wiih a few words on a delicate subject . What vras the real meaning of the current of public feeling which had displayed itself in the petitions which had been presented to them ? He and M . Odillon Barrot had been ministers together for five months , and during which time the utmost harmony existed between the two powers of tbe state . On the 31 st of October the President had thought fit to separate himself from them , and as he had himself declared , to change a parliamentary policy for a personal one . Far from being hurt by his dismissal he was
greatful to the President for never having supposed for one instant that he or his friends could be the ministers of such a policy . But while his private feelings no less thau parliamentary usage led him to speak with the utmost respect of the person of the President , he had a right to judge of the policy which he inaugurated on the 31 st of October , and he was firmly convinced that the policy was bad , fatal , and that it had led to those dangerous consequences which the Assembly bad checked on the 18 th of January last . Without entering into details be would say that the proposition for revision which at one time bad been discussed in the councils general in quite another point of view had suddenly
started forth in pursuance of this policy as applicable to art . 45 exclusively . He had voted for art 45 at a time when no one thought of M . L . Bonaparte as a candidate for the presidency , because the centralised administration of France would enable the President , through the enormous number of placeholders , to exercise an immense pressure upon the electors . He thought the article a good one , and should certainly not vote for a-revision , the professed object of which was to repeal it . Replying to tlie argument drawn from the danger that the President mig ht be re-elected unconstitutionally , be believed that the electors would have sufficient good sense to rpspect the law . He was moreover sure
that the President would keep his oath . He . would undertake to answer for him that he would not allow himself to be proposed . If unfortunately , and he begged pardon for the supposition , the President should persist in trying with us how many honeit men ibere are in the country who will not give a vote which he could not accept without perjury , he declared that his unconstitutional election would be , found impossible . Our laws called that impossible , which was contrary to law and morality . This Assembly , not like a former Assembly , enervated by a struggle of ten years with their heads at stake—would never g ive wav , but would defend in tbis place tbe first of all our laws ; The minister had said yield to the wish of the majority of the
country . He did not know , nobody knew , what that wish was , for the country had not pronounced , but this he" knew , that he was sent there with- a mandate of independence , and he owed his constituents an account of his own opinions and not theirs . He would say as Bitrke said to the electors of Bristol : — ' A representative ought to sacrifice to his constituents his repose , his pleasures , his enjoyments—he ought to immolate to no man or class of men his opinions , his conscience , hi 3 soul—he received those from God and was accountable for them to God . He owed to bis constituents his talents , he would betray and not serve them if he sacrificed his opinions . ' He thought with Burke , and should vote against revision .
SATURDAY . In the sitting of to-day , after some words from M . Raspail , in defence of the insurrections of . May and June , for which he was subjected to the censure , m , Bataille was admitted to take his seat for tbe Haute-Vienne . The tribune was then occupied by M . Odilon Barrot , who began by saying , that yesterday an orator had expressed surprise that the real question , namely , that of the merits or demerits of the constitution , 1 ,-ad not yet been put He shared this . surprise , and thought that instead of trenching upon the ground of the . fu ture constituent , it would be expedient to limit their present debate to the examination of the defects and advan .
tagesof the constitution , ft was not their business to fan political passions , but to consider whether the greater danger lay in revising the conslitution , or in refusing to allow its revision . He acknowledged with M . Dufaure that the consti tuent was . perfectly free when it voted the constitution , and that the committee was selected with a certain degree of impartiality . Republican ideaa had not then been long enough subjected to discussion , and the republic came forth ready armed , as it were , from the brains of certain honourable men , who bad long imagined a republic in their closets . Good constitutions are not made in a day . ; they are the work , of time and exuevtence . This cannot be said of the constitution of 1848 M . Barrot then proceeded lo attack the permanence of the Assembly , which altered the . fundamental
condition of a reprssentative tfoveinment . He then blamed > ht institution of . a Committee of Permanence , which was always placed betwean the ahenativesof ringing the tOC-in too soon or tookt " > He proceeded to find fault with the system of a swg ; e chamber , the excessive centralisation , the frequent change of . forei gn minis'ers , and un Si ' n ° - , " . " instilution 8 ' "hich pIaceri France in an m ' enor position to ihose powers which mamta ^ cI tradition , sequence and consistency -j a . rs , wruie at home ihe country was deprived « f ail the Jarantn- s of eiahilitv and security . In ex am . n . n ihe question of opportune ^ in the revi . < m hn , la that if lhe d 6 l 0 Cts of thft Cl ) 1 ) slU | Jti bi I l . e ; n of a secondary order , th » ro mi hi ho , > m-M ! our » ur the objection ogaixsl entering immediacy " : " : > t-. n _ tas i of amcKdmtrut . Rut ihe vices of iho cs : is ! i : uii * a vere fundamenta ! , Bud . called for reform
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without delay . M . Barrot took occasion to make a flat tering acknowledgment of the merits of General Chanaarnier , and to express sincere regret at his dismissal from office . He then proceeded to pass in review the objec tions of M . Dufaure , and confessed that he could not find iu thorn sufficient weight to determine him to oppose revision . He declared that he was not alarmed either for liberty , or for nublic order , or for society . He was surprised that anv one could discover an objection to revision in the Ch ance of the President ' s re-election . Therevision would obviate ail the anticpated dangers by offering a chance for therwSecticn of tne hesidenl . ' cried voice on the let .. ) The . . . _
• Fo dictatorship , a entire world , as well as France , was preoccupied with the perils attending the moment when , on a fixed dav , France should be left without a government hi the midst of the excitement of parties . He demanded a legal reraedr , which was demed be « iis « of the apprehension of affording the President a chance of re-election . Let the Assembly consider in what moral and political situation it would leave the country hy refusing the revision . Might they not affec t their own chances of reelection and prepare the way for an Assembly elected under the influence of popular irritation ? In conclusion , he intreated his colleagues seriously to reflect on the
consequences of their decision . When M . Odilioa Barrot had concluded loud cries of La cloture , arose on the benches of the majority . M . Jules Favre combatted the cloture , which , being put from the chair , was adopted hy a very small majority after a doubtful trial of sitting and rising . M . Charamaul b withdrew an amendment he had proposed , and the Assembly proceeded to vote on the proposition in favour of the revision of the Constitution . The total number of votes was 724 . The votes in favour of thu revision were 446 , - against it , 2 / 8 . Majorirv in favour of revision , 168 .
Nevertheless , the votes in favour not amounting to three-fourths of the whole , or 513 , the proposition was pronounced rejected . The Mountain saluted the result with cries of Vive la Kepublique !' Report prevails of an Odilon Barrot cabinet replacing the present one , with a programme for the alteration of the law of May . The debate of Monday , which concluded with the vote of censure on the ministry , gave no indications at the opening of so grave a termination . Colonel
Cbarras was scarcely listened to while he recapitulated in a long speech the facts which be considered as bring ing directly home to ministers the origin of the pretty notorious pressure of government agents in favour of the petition movement . This speech called up M . Leon Faucher , who . protested that he would be the first person to discard all unconstiiu' . tional petitions , and to refer for prosecution to the Minister of Justice any which might have been worded disrespec tfully towards ¦ the assembly . . If there were functionaries who had deviated from the
line of tbeir duty he was most desirous to stigmatise their conduct as it deserved , but he complained that Colonel Charras , by the manner in which he bad dwelt upon a few issolated facts , had attempted to disguise the real character of the revision movement . He contended that the movement had been free and spontaneous , and that it was an imposing manifestation of public opinion . He instanced many districts in which the functionaries , far from influencing their neighbours , had not even signed the petitions themselves . As lo government
circulars to mayors and prefects to inquire wbat progress the petition movement was making , there was nothing wonderful in that j it was the duty of the government to make themselves acquainted with what waa going on in the country . With regard to the meetings of the prefects in the south , he insisted that he was not bound to give any explanation . He would only say that the departments of the south were too often exposed to Berious disturb , ances for the government not to he under the frequent necessity of ordering the prefects to confer together .
On Tuesday the proceedings of the Assembly were completely devoid of interest . The ministers offered their resignation again collectively this morning . But the President declined in the most positive manner to allow of their retirement , as he considered the vote of yesterday a personal attack upon himself . M . Rouher and M . Leon Faucher were the first ministers to take their seats upon the ministerial bench . Several members were seen in
conversatiou with tuem , and offering condolence upou the mishap of yesterday . M . Odilon Barrot appeared in his placet It is reported , but from questionable sources , that be was sent for last night to the Elysee . The impending discussion of the Municipal Bill , which involves the application of the law of May to municipal elections , would render a change in the ministry at this moment , iu the sense indicated , highly important as a demonstration against the electoral law of May .
DENMARK . Intelligence received from Copenhagen states that the Danish Ministry , is definitively formed . It is composed as follows;—Count Moltke , President ( without portfolio ); M . de Reedtz , Foreign Affairs ; Count Sponnek , Finance ; M . Dockum , Marine ; M . Madrie , Public Worship ; M . Tillich , Interior j General Flenaborg , War ; M . de Bardenfleth , Minister for Schleswig ; M . Charles Moltke , Minister ( without portfolio ) .
PRUSSIA . It is stated in the Berlin papers that the principalities of Hohenzolle ^ n will bo required to do formal hoinago to the lung of Prussia , and that the celebration of that ceremony will take place on the 23 rd of August . The King will proceed to llohenzollern , accompanied by Baron Manteuft ' el , and the Presidency of the Cabinet will for the time devolve upon M . Van der Heidt , while the Eoreign Affairs will ba in the hands of Baron LegeditBcb .
GERMANY . The Kolner Zeitung states , from Frankfort of the 18 th , that in the last plenary sitting of the . Federal Diet the French and English protest against the Austrian annexation was submitted to the discussion of the delegates . ¦ ¦ ¦ ' ¦ : After a short conversation the Diet resolved unanimously , " That this annexation question referred exclusively to Germany , that it was a Ger . man question , and that none of the non-German Governments should be permitted to influence its decision . ' ' ... ... _ ¦
The same paper states that the proposal of organising a Central Federal Board of Police , for the prosecution of . political offenders ,, has lately beon urged by Austria and Prussia , and that there crill bo no doubt hut that the smaller States will ultimately he compelled to accept the proposal .
PORTUGAL . The Oriental Company ' s steam packet , Madrid , arrived at Southampton on Wednesday . Her dates are : Gibraltar July 14 th ; Cadiz , loth . - ' Lisbon , 19 th Oporto , 2 Oth ; Yigo , 20 th . Advices from Lisbon state thai among the many important occurrences wiiich have taken place at tbe meeting of the Miguelites on the 10 th as a party is ' not the least . It was convened by invitation at the residence'formerl y occupied by 1
the Count St . Miguel , and -althoughman . vdf the notices misearrierl , yet upwards , of TOtf of the first blood and character of the country were present representing , however , oniy the metropolitan citv and province of Estremadura , and showing , what is yet more astonishing , the immense number of the ancient nobility and gentry who ; vet adhere strenuously to the princi ples of legitimacy , or iu other words * to . ¦«>« presumed ri ghts of the exiled raiuSi ;^ - - ^ 0011 " ^ " ^ --
They deliberated as to whether anv part should be taken b y them aa a party to the uext general elections , and it was decided that they no 4 5
SPAIN . . . ioltth ? " l- ' P / i oned M'FKl Paris , sentenced S ^ . i , S > ttereTOUwpreiiedlttty ' Jl " T ^ T t 0 ibe Cy > amber 3 a » Mrt much K Z * tte Qwea wa * ™ ffi ™^ 8 <™ wuh pregnancy .
ROMAN STATES . A letter from Rome , of the 1-lth , statfs that m a """ ! f . raade o" «» e 11 th to assassinate Miinmgnor iizzani , Bishop of Terni , by blowing up the house he inhabited--at Santa Maria Maegsore . The incendiary ruUsiie , consisting of the rnve of a wheel loaded with powder and grapeshot which waa io set fire to a quantity o { comimstible matter in the cellar , exploded " before it leached its destination , and only caused some slight damage to the outer nail oft ! e building .
JAMAICA . ' From this is ' ar . d we leain that a numl .-er of coloured emi grants had airived from the United States , which it is believed lift-i something to do wiUi cuUou cultivation in th * island , as some gc . u-• • Icnien have jeccntly arrived ib := re Jroiw Gi-oi-g ' -a to iiiv !^ 'u : aic i ' : e calami ties of ih « sctl for that ; ro-( iuciio : i . The CKolesa has b .-rkm cut at Khip ' s tov . u . At Savu : ir . a :: « l . i . Mar it !•? . } takun fast boM
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of the parish and town , and death is rampant at every door . In country districts the malady still raging to a frightful extent . * J The Baptist rioters at Spanish Town had bee found guilty . After the trial another tlot tao u place in Spanish Town , and the military had to i / called out to suppress it . ' e n ( tVio Kartell Qni ] tnwn anA ilaotli ; D „„_ .
AMERICA . . By the Royal mail steam-ship Europa , Captain Lott , we have advices from New Yurk to thejji instant . Our . accounts by the Enropa do not comprise a nr nows of particular interest , their only fo . itmc licit ' * thi ) delivery of another great oration b y the IloJ ? Daniel Webster , at Washington , on the occasion oi " I aying the corner strmn of the proposed enlar « mint " of the capitol of the United States , $ onw rumours prevailed that another expedition ncain * ' ^ Cuba was being organised at the south , but as ye * they are vague and unsatisfactory . * l Our miscellaneous accounts report that Jenry Lihad tat Hartfordwkh
nd me , , some slight inanf , festntions of brutality . Her auditory assembled jthe Fourth Church , and a crowd o f 2 , 000 liavini * assembled outside the edifice , the blinds were drawn and the windows closed to " prevent out . siflers from hearing . " Gru : u tumult ensued , soina of the windows wove gnv . ishtul , sinil for a lOn t - the singers were inaudible Jenny , however , suf . fored no personal insult , and escaped through a backdoor to Springfield . Fenimoro Cooper " the novclisf ., was on his death-bed . S ; mie nen-rovela . tions to the Mormon Church aro aimmiiwcl ; the portion of the golden plates withheld from Joe Smith having been exhibited mysteriously to Elder Orson Hyde .
If On Ign Twicliigcjice.
if on ign twicliigcjice .
Do You Want Luxuriant Anv) Beautiful Dahj, Wlllj'ki'lks, Ac?
DO YOU WANT LUXURIANT ANV ) BEAUTIFUL DAHJ , Wlllj'KI'lKS , Ac ?
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2 THE NORTHERN STAR . _ _ JtJLY 26 > j £ ij 1 _ ^ ' ***™^ '" '"'""'" pg * - — - t
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), July 26, 1851, page 2, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1636/page/2/
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