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PFBLIC DINNER TO THE " LIBERATOR' ? IN GALWAY . The great public banquet to Mr . O'ConneD took place on Monday evening , at the magnificent and extensive pavilion erected for the purpose in Eyre-square , j Toe Right Hon . Lord Ffrench acted as president . On the right of his Lordship Bat the distinguished guest of the evening , Daniel O ' Coanell , Esq . - Mt , Edword Burke read several letters of apology . Me . Michael Winter came forward , and was received with load applause . He read an eloquent and most nattering address from the trades of Galway to the "Liberator" on the occasion of bis -plait amongst them . <
. Mr . O'CoxjiEZL said be thanked the trades of Gal-• way -very much for that most flattering mark of their esteem ; but as it would be his duty to address the assembly again at some length , he -would reserve the expression of his gratitude to the trades until then , as he -conld not think of trespassing a second time on the company . The Chaibhan , after the usual loyal toasts , Bali he would give them O'Connell for ever , with all the iiononrB . " - The toast -was dxask with the moat deafening and rapturous applause—the entire company , ladies aa well as gentlemen , continuing to -wave their handkerchiefs ¦ with the greatest enthusiasm for seTeral minute * .
. Mr . O'CONNELL rose , and "when silence had been restored , proceeded as follows : —I should be the ,- most mistaken , and , indeed , 2 believe the most stupid of mankind , if I conld for one instant imagine that I was to return the ordinary discourse of thankfulness for the kindness and the honour which yon haTB shown me . I bave no notion of it at alL We are not here for the ordinary after-dinner speeching . We are not here even to pay a tribute of respect to all that is lovely and smiling upon us . ( Cheers . ) We are met here for other purposes . We are forming the history of Ireland in this spot . { Hear , hear , hear . } I stated that as long as one shred of the constitution remained we would stand on it on the defensive—that we would assail no adversary—that we would violate no law—that we would
not be guilty of any bloody attack , but that woe be to those who dared to attack oa . ( Loud cheers . ) 1 was cheered then by men as brave and as determined as yon are , and there conld not be men more brave , and I believe mo : e determined ; and what has been the result ? The tone has been mitigated . The threat has been softened . The declaration of war has shrunk into the puny pipe of little vulgar abuse . They were then going to cut onr throats . They are sow satUned with calomnlating-us . All is mildness and mitigated hostility . Within the short space of a fortnight the conviction came over their minds that they may abuse us with safety , but that it would not bs prudent to attack us . Within that short space I bave been watching with an eye of eagerness every evolution of our enemies , and I
proclaim to you now perpetual peace , and a struggle merely in political strife , bloodless , stainless , crimeless on onr part , and leaving the enemy only the paltry resource of useless unavailing resistance . Tea , } I am come now to tell you that we are able to work out our object , despite any resistance they can or will make a&aimt us . So little do 1 think formidable in ! their means of assailing ns , that I aent my little grandson -who is beside me on board the Cyclops to-day to take her for me . What is there of argument against u »? We have challenged debate ; we have looked for discussion . W « have argued the question in our corporations . We put forward oar case ; and I say it triumphantly—not for any silly vanity , or of any praiBe to my own no-talents , but in the simplicity of truth—we
have been triumphant in onr arguments and unrefuted in any grounds on which the question of Repeal could be considered —( hear , hear ) . The effect of tb > t is magical ; nobody cLsres to deny that the Union was < not a compact to which the people of Ireland had been a paity . Nobody could dare to say that the Irish Parliament had a right or authority to vote away the liberty of the Irish people for ever , and to transfer the legislature of Ireland to any foreign country—( hear , | hear ) . Such is a practical -exposition of the atrocious manner in which the Union had been carried , and of the real existence still of the Irish national constitution .: Ton
may , perhaps , say , it is in the grave ; but if ] it be it only sleeps in that grave . It is slumbering , but not dead—( hear , hear , hear , and cheers ) . In both points the Tictory is ours . We have a right to our Parliament , and nothing but fraud and villariy deprived us of its practical use—( hear , bear ) . So far we are unanswered . In our corporation debates no man replied to us . They talked , to be sure , but they did not argue . There was plenty of declamation but there was a total absence of logic —{ hear , hear ) . There met the other day in Dublin an anti-Bepeal party , land 1 looked with ibe ntmosl anxiety for something to answer . I remember when at the bar that a brother
barrister , who was considered to have rather a vacuity inside his wig , was once cross-examining a witness without being able to get anything out of him . At l ength he said , "Fellow , say something that . I can take hold of '—( laughter ) . I was exceedingly anxious to try if they had used any argument aeainst the Repeal , and I carefully road the proceedings for that purpose ; when , ta and behold l I fonnd that my hours had been mistrabij misspent , as I found nothing In the entire stall li&e an argument The Irish reform bUl was an injury , aggravated by an irunlt . Why should any statesman , then , dare tell such a nation as Ireland that ftp mean and paltry , bo unjust and inimUing a measure was a concession . Lord Stanley the maniac—for he is actually mad , and it is kind for him—daughter
)—declared tha : everything that had been done was the best that conld be done for Ireland . It is a proverb as old sb the sfcige of Troy , that those who are doomed to destruction commence their fate by the destruction of their understanding ; and so it appeared to be with Lord . Stanley . He admitted tbat every thing in Ireland was perfect , except , indeed , tbat be knew the majority of the Irish people were not favourably disposed towards the psesant ministry —( hear , and laughter ) . He remembered hearing Lard Stanley say that the people -of Ireland should be made to fear the Government before tbty could be got * o love it ; but Mb answer was that the Irish people would never fear and would never love them , but that they were quite ready to hate and despise them . But what is the present
position of England ? Tbe Morning Chronicle tells us that * he is really but a secondary power at present , as ths state of Ireland has placed her in such a position that she 1 b prevented from having her natural strength . ( Cheers . ) How exceedingly ssrry I am at the intelligence . ( Laughter ) But weak she will remain and must continue until she does justice to Ireland . | I am not D 9 W looking for instalments but for a whole . I remind England tbat as long as she leaves freedom ef conscience shackled , until tbe Protestant church is sopported by its own adherents—while the franchise of Ireland is limited as at present , as to approach almost to total perishing—while the few -voters ^ hat yet remain are exposed to tbe tyranny of their landlordswhile Ireland is incumbered with a debt for which she ought nob be liable , and which , with the blessing of heaves , sfee will sever * pay , Ireland cannot be said to be treated with equality . By Repealing tbe ; Union those remedies will be redressed , and tea , sugar , and
tobacco , and other necessaries that ibe poor are beginning to use , would be got for one-fourth the cost they are at present . I tell England that Ireland will sot be content while her absentee landlord ' s drain of nine millions a-year continues , or while her landlords have such an absolute authority over their tenants that the landlard and the executioner may be reck"ned in lbs same category . I have in my pocket a silly dictatorial letter from Lard Clements , exceeding in blockheadi s m even its impertinence . He tells his tenants not to 4 are think for themselves on a political question ; sojthat if oee of them thinks the Repeal of the Union useful to his country he may be certain « f knowing what awaits him—cxpnlsioii ( cries of St . Cfeorge of Headford , '' followed by loud . groans . ) I do not know the details of this conduct , tut if you who have a better right to know him than I have , think that serenade suited to his T > rtne 8 . I mist fcbruh to listen to it—ilanjghttr ) S ' e- 'l , I t * -H En * I-: Dd ibat •* & have tht- « e claims upon her , . but 1 will al-u . ¦ - ¦ its » 4 + pfsjlhti and tell her tbat
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TO THE PEOPLE OF IRELAND . " Ireland for the Irish . " Fello-w-Countbymen , —The above short and pithy sentence has been so often on the Kps of your chief leader , and responded to by you , that I am induced to examine what affinity it bears to a Repeal of the Union , or in the event of a Repeal , would I * -, as it is intended to imply , bear its proper construction ? Irishmen , experience has convinced me that there is often mere enthusiasm manifested by you when your passions are appealed to , than when your reason is consulted . For instance , I well remember the disgraceful scenes which used to occur , particularly in the province of Munster , at tbe Fair , when faction met faction , and riot and bloodshed used to be the certain
result . These is not one of yon who did not know , or whose reason did not convince him tbat he was acting contrary to the precepts of Christianity , and violating the laws of the country ; bnt soon as tbe wild shout of party , the war-whoop of faction , the demoniacal yell of a " Shamatesi , " ®* a Cabatai ;* ' a " White Hen , " or a " Slagpye ; " a " Big Hayes , " or a " Little Hayes" was raised in defiance , reason fled her throne , and passion , like a whirlwind , swept the deserted plain , and rode madly ram * pant over tbe ruin it had made . Those scenes are , thank God , passed away ! and may the man who dashed the accursed enp from your lips , and thereby opened year eyes to your folly , and awakened fraternal affections in yonr bosoms , taste ? the blessings which he bo trnly
deserves ! It is in the language and spirit of calm and animpassioned reason -I would discuss the merits of the above important sentence ; for I am convinced , until reason , NOT PASSION , sways the Irish mind , Ireland will never raise her . head above the political horzon , or her people be other than slaves and persecuted serfs . Tbe Irish mind is ever from the principles of tbe " pbysiolgy of man , " peculiarly adapted to excitement ; and hence the necessity for caution , and aad in the present case scrutiny , as such warmth of diiposition has too often led the people into serlons and ( by them ) unforeseen difficulties : tbe maxim that " he niuit watch who wonld overcome" being entirely lost siqht of ; and -which is nothing mote or less than tbe exercise of . reason , with the firm resolution to
act consistent with the convictions of calm rt flection . " Ireland for the Irish"is then the rallying- cry . It fa the magic sentence—tile Incantation which , like a spell , acts upon your imaginations , draws yonr scattered forces together , stimulates you to action , resuscitates the hopes » f bygone days , and inspires the pleasing dream that it is almost already within yonr grasp . O . ' bow ardently I could wish this vision were complete ; and that such were truly tbe position you hold in the political and social world . How happy conld I be if , instead of a warning address , I could compliment you on your victory and participate in your triumph . Yes , this would be a pleasure worth all else beside . But , aiasl the time has not yet come—although come it will ; and until it does it will be our duty to accelerate
it by every lawful means within our power ; and whilst we suffer together , battle together for its attainment How much is contained in those four words—• ' Ireland f or tbe Irish . " . 16 will suffice to say , that erery evil act of a cruel Government towards a long-suffering people —every inroad upon Irish liberty—every confiscation of property—every scene of rapine , spoliation , and murder—every act of injustice in Cburcb and State—every reeking sword and flaming faggot are exhibited and coupled with the wild and unbounded joy at tbe prospect of just retribution which is to follow as tbe consequence of a Repeal of the Union . All the varied pas-Bions of the mind are called iDto action—every dormant energy is aroused ; whilst hope—so often faithless—is on the wing and fluttering in sportive joy at what may possibly be a delusion .
Now , my countrymen , answer me . Will Irishmen have obtained Ireland when a Repeal of the Union is effected ? This is the question upon which rests the whole fabric of your futare hopes . This is tbe nucleus of Ireland's supposed ! future happiness , and the touchstone to try the soundness of the principle npon which yon expect to base your prosperity . Whatever may beyour reply * I answer , no 1 And why will it not 1 Vint , because , under existing circumstances , it is imposslblei without dismemberment ; and seBondly , because Repeal , withont a »• FULL , " " fa ik , " and pbbb" representation of the whole people of
Ireland in the Irish Parliament , would be only entrusting power in the hands of interested and privileged parties , to be used for their own and not the peopled interest ; and tbat , consequently , the people wouid be as far removed as ever from the possession of real or supposed happinesal And here I would ask yon what 5 s , and has been , ibe causa of all your sufirfrii . gs ? What is the cause of all the misery which exists amoEgst tho working classes of Gicat B / itaiu ? Wai » t of p .. i 2 tical powf-r ! JJow as jus aie fct / t all P-i iiily Barns ' s , I wi . uid just explain , flat poliiii' -il { oWi r liieaisrlieprttentiition , or a voice in iho Laafcing of laws
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for your own government ; and without which you cannot eTerhope to be individuallyor nationally tadepen-- ^ It ?* «? ? yoUBl 1 *«»** - «» t « you remove the cause the effect will cease , and tbikt so long as the cause remains { & « evil will continue , it follows that unless tb ^ condiUk or TJaiveraal l&ffrag ? be annexed J ^^ SFV * * ^ 'toSni <* * fetesskS . tw s manifest evil j jfo , aa birds and beasts of prey are more * T £ S& Bft 8 V lon 9 M , > o wotttd the wbig and Tory vultures of Ireland be more voracious after having so long kept blaxfc Lent , " and more rapacious than ever to make up for loss of time ; and thus the people , after contending for , and winning the prizs , would , by not having any restraining- power * ' fee compelled to
yieia up Ule frnlta of all their agitation , and witness the fact of their country becoming again the scene of wbolemle political jobbing ; and subsequently their Parliament cjawded with adyenturfers ; in short , be ?* i ! kr notJ eTen in a worse state than when it coni S 55 * Xtt ^ who sold their and your « birthright for a miserable " mesa of pottage , " or what is more debasing , English gold . This ; would be only a saadowjif tuejevils which a mere Repeal would create amongst you , and for which there is no earthly political remedy save « Universal Suffrage . "
7 » v I 8 2 ° i e of reaso ning you will be able to see that the ery of "Ireland for the Irish" is merely a " olap-ttap" to catch the unwary and invincibly ignorant ; for it cannot be supposed that " wmT u , W *^ " 81 can be ao blind as not to see that whilst his tongue Is tied ha Cannot be otherwise than dumb , no matter what he may think op feel upon the occasion . With as much success might a man hope to arrest the . faUing avalanche ( supposing he had the strength ) whilst bis banda were pinioned , although his oould flee
eyes { , and his senses feel alarmed at the impending danger . And thus it Would be with those who heedlessly cry •• Ireland for the Irish . " Their tongues would ] be tied and hands pinioned , although their senses jtoid them they were being robbed , and they would feel the evidence of persecution resulting from- the infliction of injustice , thiaoan be rendered even more plain by tbe remembrance that want of political power in the people jwas the sole causa of a transfer of your native parliament to England ; for bad there been a House of Commons over Whom - the
people had bad a controling influence , such transfer oould not have * , possibly taken place ;' and without a controling power on the part of the people , the Repeal would be as likely to be an evil as the then parliament was . If you had had ( as yon should have bad ) a voiee in electing yoar representatives , you would not as a nation have had to submit to the shameful traffic which the representatives of onlyja olass made of your interests , nor would the Government have tampered with . your representatives had theyjbeen elected by the general voice instead of at best an interested traction ot the people . But we will view the case in another light . Suppose for instance the " Irish Arms Bill , " about wbich there has been so muoh discussion and hypocritical whining amongst the Whigs . This bill is , brought into the
House : and let me ask , where is the power you have to oppose its progress ? it Ja evident that talking Is of no use . If parties opposite would succeed in preventing its passing into law ; there muBt be something more than the inconsistent speechifying about "Tory coercion "—there must be political power in the House to protect you with effect ; and that power must emanate from without' the House . Now as you have not the power out of [ the House , it follows you cannot have it in the House ; and thus the measure , whether you like it or not , is most likely / and may have been ere this forced upon you , although the previous acts of Government , of the majority who coerce you , may nave given rise to the necessity , which I question , foi : suqh a measure . But had you a full and fair representation , this could not possibly occur : fer the people being the majority without the
House , would also have a majority within the House ; and thus the evil cause of coercion would never exist . If by any chance It should , the majority of the people in the House would adopt remedial measures instead of coercive restrictions . It la follyit is little shortiof sheer madness to cry " Ireland for the Irish , * ' without this all important condition being annexed ; and I have no hesitation in stating that without this condltionfaocempaniea Repeal , you will only be tbe worse off for your pains . It is now very evident that so far as we can see the designs of your leader , that the condition of a full , fair , and free representation of the people has , in fact , no place in his ideas or intentions . I could wish I had reason to give him credit for consistency of principle ; for Bpite of his many political sins , I admire the bold front he assumes , although I have reaaoHB Bufliciently strong to question his sincerity .
Mr . O Connell assuredly knows that Universal Suffrage is the only guarantee for good government ; he only knows that without ifc a people are liable to be oppressed by their rulers ; and , in fact , his former advocacy of such a [ measure is tantamount to his belief tbat it is indispensible . Here then we have him at the head of your great movement , proclaiming chat your wrongs are grievous ;( that they shall be redressed ; and that " Irishmen shall have Ireland , and Ireland Irishmen ;" but , losing sig ' ht of , or blinking the question , which of all others is most important to your success , and without which all your energies will end like the inscription over a certain ale-house in Ireland , where a group of persons are represented surrounding a tub of water with a black man seated In tho middle of it , whilst they are belabouring him with brushes and soap to the tune of— ! . ¦ . ¦ " Rubbing and scrubbing from morn till night , Ocborie Macbree I will you ewr be white t "
And then follows tbe moral—Labeur in vain I Does not Mr . O'Connell know tbat be never can wash away the filth of class-made laws , or purify the deep-stained pall which wraps in funeral gloom the prostrate form of the once beauteous Erin ; does he not know that neither the " soap" : nor the " brushes " of " Ireland for the Irish , " or " Irishmen for Ireland , " will never brighten tho opaque mass of political corruption , whilst like the black man . " a cause exists , which he cannot , or rather will not touch ? As sure as-it is a natural cause tha £ a black man la black , so is it as certain that the ; cause of Ireland ' s wretchtdness is a want of full representative or political power . And as this is a remedy within his reach , and neither he nor you will make use of it , so certain will the Irish people reap the fruits of bitter disappointment , even should they acquire a Repeat of tbe Union to-morrow Hi ¦'
Men of Ireland , be not deceived ! You cannot otherwise obtain justice for yourselves or country . Experience must , if you reflect , convince you that you have ever been forgotten in the general scramble for plunder of your rights , and the misappropriation of the fruits of yoar industry , earned by the sweat of your brows . ; Remember , ! although heaven doomed you to a life ef toil ; tbat it ! has said , " the labourer is worthy of his hire ; " and although your browa are covered with sweat , and furrowed with cares , that even still you bear the image of ¦ " the living God ; " and that " he who oppresses tfee poor" is not only your enemy , but His who created you ., Remember the first great principle of nature "that all men are equal "; and the first great fundamental preoeptof Christianity " that all men should be as brethren . ' * . '
Therefore iwhen you require to be justly dealt by , demand what ' you ask peaceably ; but in the dignity of your nature , in the spirit of just authority , demand what you believe to be your right . Tell the tyrant who would set hisjfoot upon you , that mau first gave power to man , but only for his good , and as a servant to his fellows ; and that having broken his faith and violated his engagements , iyoa are determined no longer to submit to bis assumed and ill acquired auviiority . You may tell them that " Ireland waa made for Irishmen , " and that" Irishmen will have Ireland" ; but remember you must be consistent ; you must be unanimous and
persevering . i Then only will you conquer the giant power of your oppressors—then only will you have achieved a redemption { which will confer substantial and lasting blessings upon yourselves anil country—then will the golden dreams of many a homelces lover of his birthplace be realized—then will the tears be chased from the eyes of the disconsolate widow and starving orphan whom tyranny have driven desolate , —and then will be time when Etjin . lik « the Pi « e j ^ x , will arVse " fvom hwr ashes / ' and in the majesty of her beauty present herself to an admiring world , who , in the words of tho poet , will say that uhe is indeed
" Great , glorious , and free , First flower of the earth , first gem of the sea . " Let me once more impress upnn you the necessity of demanding UNIVERSAL SUFFRAGE . It is jour only hope . Inscribe it on your banners—let it take root in your hearts "—cherish it as a itiBt resource to resuscitate your fallen glory ; and when tbe day of Repeal arrives , place them like twin sisters , band ia hand , or like two blessed spirits of peace and buppin&ss come down to dwell amongst you to heal the sorrows of the past and gladden your hearts for the ruture . I am . wygfellow countrymen , Your devoted and ODbdit-nt servant , W . H . Ciifton .
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The Voice ov Warning . —On ' the morning after the ever memorable I 8 ih of May , a deoont looking female of ; he ; humbler ranks of life accosted , on the Btreets of Edihburtfh , oaeofour % > Westland" minister ? , when the following colloquy ensued : —Woman : "O . 8 ir , arey . e ane o ' our ministers that cam out yesterday ?" Minister : Yes . I am . " Womai : " O , God blew yoa . How i are all your brethren this morning ?" Minister : " iVery well , so far aa I know , and very happy . " Woman : " I ' m extraordinar' glad to
hear it—lan / Bf may they be saa . Do you think , sir , that if I were to goap to Lunntin I could net a word o' the Queen |! She iq cominutiuj ! a great ? in , and I dinna tuiak she kens what she's doing . " Mmtscer : ' I fear you would find it very difficult to get admission to her Majesty . " Woman : " Do yon think , theu , that Icouid get in to speak to the Commissioner ) Majbe he would tell thie Queen my mes sage . " Minister : " 1 think it quite possible that you might be admitted to speak to his Grace the Commissioner . " Woman : " Then I would hke to
speak to him on tne hu ' iject ; and I wish muoh that he would teli : thf © yietsu ; tor she dbna ken what she ' s doing . She ' s tryiug to Uk the orown aff Christ ' s iiL-ad . Siie ' il iiuvfcr iiiana ^ o ibat ; hut .-lie ha * dhii ! to tak care that they dintju tak tinj civwa oti far < uh Ltitf . "—Scottish Uuurdian .
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HOME COLONIZATION . LETTER J XVII . TO THS EDITOR OF THE KORTHEHN STAR . Sir , —To assist in procuring that Unity for which I am so strong an advocate , seeing that I did not coincide in practical operations with Mr . Owen , the president of the Rational Society , I have resigned the office of General Secretory of that Society , and retired from Harmony Hall ; censequently my letters cannot bear their usual heading . As however tbe ultimate object I have In . view Is the universal happiness of man , and as a meansiof accomplishing [ this object , his adoption ofa system of Association in Colonies of United Interests , I shall continue the number of the letters , and simply change the beading to Home Colonization .
In leaving Harmony Hall on ceasing to hold office in the Rational Society , I would not have any one \* infer that I am indifferent to the progress or success of either . 1 still hold them to be the most advanced efforts tbat have been made , for the attainment of that system of society which must ere long be adopted , or the misery which is daily rapidly increasing will fast destroy tbe population of the country , j Your readers have now before them , in tolerably clear terms , the opinions of Gracchus and mysef with respect to Organization ; and 11 am glad to see the subject la to be treated of by Mr ! O'Connor , yourself , and many others ; as I am well aWare that in proportion to the soundness of the information laid before the public will judgment ultimately be formed ; and nothing can be more gratifying to the true lover of his species than the progress which is [ now being made in tbe acquirement of correct principles . will be
I agree cordially with Gracchus that there faults , more or less , in every system of Government , until they be removed by a sound education of every child in the state ; and that when the people know the right they will jdo it I shall therefore leave differences which exist between ns respecting either principles or persons , to be oalmly considered by those who'fael interested on ] the aubjeot ; as I have no wish to urge my own opinions teo strongly on others ; but merely-desire to throw out from time to time such suggestions as appear likely ] to act beneficially on tbe public mind ; aa I am well convinced that a dogmatic exercise of power or adherence to opinion is always repulsive to progress , whoever may be the person to exercise it . ] The subject of my letter for this week ia the second point in the preliminary Charier put forth by Mr . O -ven : " National unexclusive superior practical education for all who require it" j
We have in this sentence a theme that requires volumes to be written to elaborate it What is education ? This single question would employ many hours to give anything like an adequate reply to it Tbe education of every human being should consist in the highest development of all his powers and faculties , physical , mental , and moral ; a business which has never yet been performed for ! any individual during the history of the human race , ! nor can it ever be accomplished until the mind has been expanded to an extent of which we have none ef us at present an adequate conception . j
If , however , we are unable to obtain all tbat is desirable in this respect , j shall we on tbat account become supine and lukewarm , and allow our time and opportunities of improvement to be wasted whilst we are hoping for things unattainable ? or shall we not rather assist in every manner to urge forward such practical measures of education or training as may be within our reach . if we look at the state of the public mind in this country at the present time , and compare it With what it waa previous to the first efforts of Bell and Lancaster being made to instruct ! tbe people , there is much to rejoice at The simple elements of instruction so niggardly doled out under the most severe and pressing discouragements , joined to the facts which science
has within the last century developed , h&s created a Change in society as a whole , ' different to any tbat has been known at any former ( period of human history . The body of the people were never before in a position to exercise calm and deliberate judgment on what was going on around them ; nor were they ever before urged by such pressing necessity to examine into the means they possess for redressing the evils under wbich they suffer . j As may be well known by , those who are acquainted with the science of human j nature ; in proportion as this instruction has progressed and this necessity has increased , we have had to witness the various endeavours that have been made jfor an Improved position ; until at this period those who have hitherto been the oppressors ate beginning to look with wonder , fear , and amazement , npon those they have hitherto been taught to despise ; and in a short time they will gladly
co-operate in any measure of | mutual safety which may be laid before them . } The safety , the welfare , the happiness , of all ranks and classes , not only in this country , but throughout the whole civilised world , depends upon a sound practical education being speedily given to every human being . j In my last letter , I proposed a national survey of this country as one great estate , for the purpose of developing to the highest extent our present knowledge will admit its capabilities for providing for the population . I recommended that ] all those who are unemployed should immediately be set to work , under one superintending mind , in improving the lands , and ereeting superior dwellings Jon a scale systematically to produce wealth most abundantly ; to distribute it most justly ; to train or educate every individual from birth to death ; and to govern all on terms of equal justice to all . \
I have , in order the more practically to carry forward the subject I am now writing on , namely , " natural superior practical education for all who require it , "to propose that the Government i immediately agree to take into the dwellings of which I have before spoken , the chHdren of all such parents as would be ready to place them in their hands to be educated ; and that they train them in the manner that shall to der them most efficient for all the general ! purposes of life . Some I know will be ready to exclaim : " Would you offer to trust the Government with ; the entire controul of the education of the whole of the rising generation V and to this I reply : " certainly ; and be most extremely
gratefur that they could be so j far enlightened as to take such a work in hand . " If we have any faith in the assertion that knowledge ia ppwer , let as do everything within our reach to extemf this knowledge . Ooce gained , it can never be removed by ignorance ; but it will , in its turn , remove ( ignorance even from the highest places . It is true jthiB may not be done by force or violence ; nor Is it right that it should be . We must all bear in mind , whatever may be our personal privations , we would not have them if we could avoid it : and those who are now 'revelling in luxury cannot rationally be blamed for balng in circumstances which those who would oppose them now envy .
By combining in such an education as I propose , the highest mechanical and chemical appliances In connection with the superior cultivation of the land , and by having sound practical teachers well versed la the sciences of human na ure and of society , these children would soon not only be made self-supporting , but to contribute very hugely to the production of superior wealth for those of the present generation who have most unfortunately been so fill trained as to be unable to provide for themselves those things that they have been taught to covet and desire .
Education on such a basis ] would speedily develop In a most superior manner the physical , mental , and moral powers of the children ; and would give them individually a power and capacity such as has not yet fallen to the lot of mau to receive ; a power and capacity tbat would again react in tbe production ot higher advances until a state of being would be procured capable of enjoying all the advantages < vhich nature has eo liberally provided for us . What is ] the present knowledge of man ? Does be know himself , or the manner in which the objects wbich surround ! him act upon his buiia ^ ? For a reply to these questions let us ask ourselves what
we know individually of cniftomy , physiology , the laws of heat , those which regulate the temperature and other changes of tbe atmosphere ? besides all the laws of mechanics and chemistry ? Are we well acquainted with agriculture , botany , geology , mineralogy , and the other sciences necessary for tbe production of the greatest amount of advantage fiomthe earth we inhabit ? or are we not rather seeking , ' even in our highest flights , mean , pitiful , and trifling [ objects , quite unworthy of rational beings , placed by the Great Creating Power of the universe , in the midst of all things necessary for our well-being and happiness ?
What have we to do to obtain such an education for the present generation as I here propose ? To unite . j If knowledge is power , union is strenRth ; and when the minds of the masses eaa \ be sufficiently expanded to see this , they will unite . There will be no groundless fears exist whether individuals will abuse power ; for it will be found that every individual , however high his intellect , however much he may be respected or loved , will become powerless if he acts contrary to those principles which are now ascertained to be in accordance with nature , and consequently eternal . Tbe knowledge gained by the public will soon absorb all individual importance ; and every man will strive to do What he can forj the general good , and be contented with the inward satisfaction tbat results from
his actions . A great and holy alliance will be formed of the wise and good of all ranks , classes , and people ; and they will proceed on j such clearly defined and universal principles that none will be enabled to mistake the path to be followed whoever may erroneously and unintentionally for a time advise them to go astray . I must here again observe ! as I did at the conclusion of my last letter , that I do not wish this subject to be suspended until all I ask for can be obtained . We must diligently strive to assist in ; every manner possible , to lay Bound practical information before the public , and nelp forward those who are behind ub by every possible
means . The meanest village school , the simplest information how to do anything in a better manner than it has been done before , must not be neglected . Those who can neither read or write , may still do much in educating those around them ; for if they can explain bow physical strength can Ibe economised ; how intellectual ideas are to be expanded ; how moral faculties are to be strengthened : or how any of the practical business of lifts is to be better done , they will , in tfiei * respective positions , be assisting ia this great , good , and consequently mos t tlecirabie work . I am , S r , your obedimt servant , Gosport , July 3 , 1813 . WUWAM Gawim .
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men to be fonnd in America and every quarter of the o ! the world ; in every mannfachiring town in England ? -were they not to be fonnd in China , in India , and-were not their priests tbere along with them preaching the gospel to the -world at large ;* nd did toy wish to bring home all those men , and to bring home those priests from doing the woji ol God all over the Trorld ? ( CrieB of " question" ?) i A Toice- ^ " What aboat Repeal ? ( Hear , hear . ) ; Are jon a Sapealer T" . ' 2 fr , O'Bs £ Lz . T resumed—The only difference between him and them waa with respect to tbeioad by which they would arrive at the same object ThBy professed ,
and therefore be believed them , that they had nothing bnt the happiness and interests and glory of Ireland at heart He did not yield to them in the nine desire , but ha told them Vhero&d that sna recommended to them would never bring them there in peace—( cries of "It will , and we-will go on do other" . ) Ten yean had passed over their heads since the promise was made to them that they should see the Parliament is College-Graen in six months . ( Laughter . ) Let them be assured that by the path * of peace and friendship , and by the paths that were recommended to them to take , they would achieve a much more glorious triumph than by bringing back a little petty Parliament . ( Groans . ) 1
Mr . BeesaSD Fob . d—He deceived the people of Dnndalk before , and he wants sow to mislead them . ( Cheers . ) j Captain Sbaveb next addressed the meeting , and recommended them to pursue tbe course laid down for their adoption by their illusttions *• Liberator . "} He trusted that while they continned their peacefnl agitation they -wonld be obedient to the laws , and dutiful to their allegiance to their Sovereign . He assured them that neither he nor the Repealers of Ulster sbonld forget the conduct of ibe men of I / mth on that day—( cheers . ) j Mr . M'Axusteb . observed that Mr . O'Reilly had bees sent to Parliament by the people of Dnndalk ; and they knew that only one small wtek expired when he repudiated the principles on wbich they sent him there , and had not kept the faith they implicitly placed in him—( hear ) . :
H . Wynne was then called to the chair , a vote of t . hanVii iras passed to Vh ** former chairman , and the immense multitude separated in the most peacefnl and orderly manner . ^^
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MB- CPCONNELL IN DITNDALK . 3 nr 5 D ± X 5 , THirasDAY JfisHXi—The meeting of $ > dsy jnayT » classed amongst the greatest that have frAga place since the totnmeBcemenl « f the *¦ Repeal year . " 3 > nring the greater part of yesterday the people of the town and surrounding neighbonrhood were £ na ] y engaged in mating preparations . { or 0 "ConoeH"S jnirat TfaBhoBBEB ttbib flacorated with green fcoaghs , , ! & tomnphal uchss ' ere eteetea in the principal greets . It Is impossible to form anything like an yeennte estimate of the number of persons present 3 bey extended along the road ibr serenl miles . The demonstration was not confined to the people of ionib jlone , the procession having been joined by people gem the most distant localities , accompanied by their
Ibdob , including jCunekstacroBs * . Sells , and Killar jjey . As this splendid cortege passed Lord Boden ' s jbJb , file cheers oTUie -vast multitude burst forth -with % acre vigorous intonation . The meeting-was held at Cutletown , -whHrean extensive platform was erected for Ihe accommodation of fits gentlemen -who look part in the proceedings . When the "Liberator" arrived the proceedings commenced ; and fchcra -was then , on Bte East modertae calculation , 300 , 000 persons assembled to demand a Uepeal of the-act of Union . The chair was taken l > y B . Be Temon , Esq ., ex « J P . ilr . ~ Wtsss moved the £ rst resolution , declaring } fo » Tr ttHajftiTnwnt . to ths Qu £ 8 Q , snd their readiness to risk life and property In defence of her tirone and person—{ cbeetB > Mr . CEILUM M'ASDLE seconded the resolntf on .
Messrs . Byrne , James Carroll , Ktirin , Dr . Murphy , Patrick Uoylan , and L&Trrenee Martin , moved and seconded resolutions . Kt ~ O"Re 21 y , formerly member for Dnndalk , accompsniedhy Ms brother , Counsellor O'Reilly , appeared on the platform . 24 r . ilOLOST read the petition , and a Tes&mtion was moved for its adoption . Mr . "Wtsse seconded the resolution , which was carried-2 Jx . O'Reixit regnested to see ths petition . Xz . O'CoHXEii—Ithas !> een passed . 3 ir . orSszrLT intimated that he tad requested to see it before tbe resolution -was put The Chaihmx ?" " said 2 > e did sot hear him . 31 r . OGOKKEii , also stated that he did sot hear flHU-3 Iz . 31 'Axijsieb . moved a vote of confidence in Mr . { TGonnelL
Hi . James 3 J * Ca ? o > seconded the resolution , which ins put » ""fl tarried -with acclamation . Ths " Libkkatoe" came forward to address the meet ing and was received with load cheers . He said , it was -with becoming tumHity tfeat lie declared his congratulations even to himself at that glowing scene—( hear . S . q ccmgratalaied them -with exultation on that day , when he beheld so many determined Northerns £ nrjounaing him in the cause ol their country— - ( cheers ) He was greatly amnBed at leading the Times newspaper of Saturday last . The writer for the Tij »« new » psperhad at length , discovered that Ireland was not understood in England , and that she had been the most lasdy misgoverned country on ihe face of tbe earth . There was a discovery for the Saxon to make J Some
three weeks ago he announced that nothing was more perfect thsn the English domination here , and suggested to the Government to send a mighty army to Ireland , anS crash the spirit ol Repeal by downright force ( hear , hear ) . Tbat was Ms advice ; and he { Mr . ( TConnell ) met that advice at Mallow when it arrived , and lis declarations -was ardent in reply . He said the people of Ireland ¦ wonld sot break the la-w—that they voaldviolaleiio statute-series of " sever )—that they wonld preserve the peace—tbat there -would &ot be ziot , or violence , or tumult amongst them—that tbe ; "woald hold the shield of the British constitution between them and British aggression ; but he said then , and lie repealed It sow—that if they attempted to
jtftyA- them Behind tbat shield , they -would stand on the constitution and set them at defiance . —( cheera ) Why did he repeat that new ? He would tell them , The Evanag Mail of the preceding sight had some threat of the same kind ; snd it was vrell to say a good thing twice , and to inform the enemy what he had to expect { Cheers . ) They would never violate the consti tution or break the law , bat woe to those who attacked them . tCheera . ) The Times went on to say -that his addresses to the Irish people consisted in general abase of the Saxon , and that that -was no argument . Why ifcrras some argument to abase the Saxon if he deserved it—( cheers . ) It was not because of his same—if he "were tailed Turk it wonld sound as well in his ears
as the Saxon . He had no objection to the name , bnt to thethln ^ . { Hear , hear . ) Sot the Times spent three years in aJjukng him . It found fault with his parts of speech , sad said he was not a good orator , bat that "Was so simple a crime in Ms eyes that he was heartily obliged to him . ( Laughter . ) He said that he ( Mr . O'Connell ) did not put forward any strong topic is favour of Repeal ; 3 rat the meeting should be bis judges ¦ whether hs did ot not—( cheers and laughter } . They ¦ W ent off si Imlf-cock . They did xot traut toieai his arguments , hot perhaps they had read them in the newspapers—( hear , hear ) . Hs wonld announce them sow , and he wanted that they should be all apostles of Iujb sect , and spread them throughout the districts from -whence they came —( hear ) . Hs -was saluted that
day iy the men cf j&onaghan , of 2 tewry , and of JBeliasfc—IA -voice— Yes , and ~ Meath and Caven" ) . -He had the Hien of the north before him 5 and there ha was to argus -with tbe -writer in the Times , and every other man , -whoever he might be , that was against tits Sepeal of the Union , and giving Ireland xo the TrfgH —\ cheersi . He bad tcxee provinces -with him , and the greater part of the fourth province with him , and be defied all Ihe Wellingtons that ever gained battles , and all £ hB Peels that ever exercised dexterity , to prevent him from having the Sepeal—( great cheering ) They must have it if thsy did two things . If they conducted themselves in the iray their leaders told them—peaceably , - and -within the law , ani became members of the Sepeal Association—ihear ) . He came there to recruit for the Bepeal Association , and he
• wanted them all as recruits—( laughter ) . Let « very man that wonld enEst with him hold np his hand . [ Every -mm in the dense mnMlnde raised bis band ) . There trs not a General in Europe -who would not be delighted -at getting such a batch of recruits—{ hear , hear , and cheers ) . He -wanted to have no sanguinary fight—be wanted to have no battle , or blood , or destruction , or any -violation of the law—be ¦ wanted to Save no ziot of-violence ; and if they took bis advice he -would fceep them rnafe ; bat be would not the less certainly carry the Bepeal of the Uniocicheezs ); and the moment be bad three minions of Bepealers he wonld tate his sextstepto cany the Bepeal—( cheers ) . They were ill Northerns that be addressed ; and let there be no foolish contests between
fram and tbe Orangemen —{ hear ) . If the Orangemen choose to petition against the Bepeal , they bad as good a right to do so as tbe Repealers had-to pet tion for it ; and they should not disturb them or say a single unpleasant word to them . They aheuld not boot or less them ; but , above all , they should -sot dare to ultrac"k ~*>< pn > His maxim was , that ihe man who com mitted a crime gives strength to the enemy , and tbe troth of tbatmaxun was demonstrated by the proceed ings at Caiiand—ihsar ) . He might be asked -why be Bid not go farther Iforth ; and ie bad been told , and he believed it , tbat if be went further Berth be wonld get physical force in tbe people to protect their meetings from any attempt tlm . * tlhfjT-pTipTq if ^ TmghT ' Tnnira Bgainstit—( cries of - " you wonld *^ . Bat it -would-be
coosjeered by the Orangemen as an insult ; and be never "Would go to the JJorth until he . fonnd that so man ¦ jronld conader Tp » advent there as an insult or an in-3013 —fbear ) . He -wonia not do anything tiiat would - £ VBn bvre tbe appearance of insulting them . Be wished not fora trinmph that was bought at tbe expease of any other class . As long as they -were their loea he-would treat them with respect , bnt be wanted so foes in Ireland . He -wanted them all to be friends , and he -wanted to procure the blessings of peace for Ireland—jhear , hear , and lond cheers ) . There iras not a Presbyterian in the north that did not feel as mneh as he did the weight cf ihe established church ; there TrasBot a Protestant in the north , of tbe poo : er class , that did n-t feel the want of wages and of fixity of
tenure ; and bis object was to do them good , and not to do them evil —( bear ) . He wanted to have all Irishmen for Ireland ss-well as Ireland for all Irishmen—Icheers ) . He bad gained oae step in title progiess of Irish liberty ; bnt there remained another greater and Jar more glorious Btrug 3 le : they bad sot their country —a » Saxon and the stranger ruled over Ireland . Their struggle tiwuld be to give Ireland to tbe Irish , and tbe Iriah to Ireland—( load cheers ) . ilr . O'Beiht then proceeded to address the- meetmg . He said he bad been called a traitor , and be was not there to blame any tt "' - " He would name nobody ; be -wished to forget every offence toot had been offered to him ; bnt be there , is tbe face of tbe conntry and Ihe province ^ and the man = wbo uttered those words .
asserted that he was ready to lay down bis life if there TrasonBWord of trath in tbe charge . He was sot come there to sow dissension smtmgBt his countrymen , or to force his opinions on tbe humblest amongst them ; but he hoped , and / trusted , and believed that bs could give the lie to those who calumniated them , and who said their assemblages were not free . He was there to declare that xo mas of any same , of any creed , ol any conntry , should go before bim in bis anxiety to ¦ Vindicate the freedom and independence of bis native 3 asd—ibesr , hear ) . The Saxon ruled their Issd for six hundred years . "What was the revenge be wonld recommend to them 7 ToioletheSaxonforthesextsix hnndredyeara —{ langhterj . How trerstbey to rale him ? liyawovins themselves better men . He sent iia son—tbe
only male child be bad in tbe world—to the land of the Strangerto beedncated amongst the stranger ' s chil dren . Tr * hy -was it—that be might forget bis country ? Heaven forbia J He Mat bim * « s tne Greeks and Ttrnm-n ^ swittheir children to tbeland of the stranger , to learn the ^ science and knowledge cf tbe stranger ; and 'waen he * grew np to manhood be -wonld be able to meet the stranger for biB conntry . ( Hear , hear , and cheers . ) Soch -was ths object of bis ambition . He trenld ' srvB to Qiem ail the right to ergoy , and all the satisfaction they oaght to -wish lor , that wss , to prove & « m ~ rcgs jHe to tovBm the stranger as the suangei go * -re « l thHi Woaid tbtj be satisfied with 1 ft-laad Joru "eisofclves ? Be was not rsz ^ laeti triib li > lacd &t inuj ^ * be -sEtiala = ot U ? satibSwi -. yitS a V 3 * - toe 5 = " " dai «* »! he wanted a vb-Az t .-tstfc . Were cot lr . M >
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tbe atrocity of her rewarded and cherished publio press —that tbe atrocious calumnies and ferocity of the Time $ , which called J the Irish people " a filthy asd felonious nbble , " aad that called their anointed clergy surpliced ruffians , and a demoniacal priesthood , and by such means incited that spirit of bigotry which , in union with intimidation and the most enormous bribery , was made use of to place the Queen in the bands of a Tory administration ; I tell her that the fact of there being any connection between the government and its supporters and such a press , makes oor hearts 8 well within as and burn with indignation . While I state these things to England , 1 tell her statesmen to examine distinctly what course should ba taken . I am sot here to compromise tbe RapeaL I will not do
so ; for I am resolved to stand for the rest of my life on Bepeal , until I stand in an Irish Parliament in College-green —( loud cheers ) . I care not for Whig or Tory . The Morning Chronidt is , forsooth , endeavouring to persuade ub to work for the . restoration of the Whigs ; bnt I care not Whether ] Whigs or Tories are in power : all oar exertions shall ibe devoted to tbe restoration of the Irish Parliament , i As soon as I have three millions of enrolled Repealers I shall take my next step —( cries of "Yoa shall have them , " and hear , hear ) . If America should insist on getting the Oregon terrlritory—if Russia should menace the East—or if Syria be banded over to . Mehemet Ali , is contempt ot England—if any of these events occur , then hurra for the Bepeal !—( lead cheers ) . But suppose the book ef
history were to be dosed , and that the nations of Europe that had long hated England should begin now to fall in love with her , and neglect to take any paltry advantage of England that the present state of Ireland would give them over her—suppose Lord Clancarty to be right , and that the English Parliament would not concede Bepeal , I would still meet bim foot to foot , and tell bim we can do it for ourselves , legally and constitutionally . Blessed be heaven 1 it is in the prerogative of tbe Sovereign to call the Irisb Parliament together again , without the necessity of any Act of Parliament . It is a constitutional' principle that the prerogative of the Crown cannot be affected by an Act of Parliament , unless the fact of the withdrawal of the prerogative be
specially mentioned in ] the Act , which is not the case in the Act ot Union . I think already that I see the way covered with flowers , and the Lord-Lieutenant going in Btate to open the Irish Parliament . I see you , my Lord , proceeding to take yonr rightful seat in the Irish House of Lords—I hear the "voice of the clerk summoning the House of Commons to proceed with the election of a Speaker . O ! is it not worth while to be alive at & period of such glorious excitement ? I am a lover of nature and an enthusiastic admirer of the romantic and majestic scenery of my sative country ; but what is there ia dull and unanimated nature to equal tbe mighty bursting of the heart , the bounding of tbe spirit , the expanding of the soul , at the scene I have been describing : —
" Look then through nature , through the range Of planets , suns and atlw&ntlne spheres Wheeling unshaken through the void immense . And speak , ob ! man , can thy capacious soul With half that killing msjdsty dilate Thy strong conception , as when Brutup rose Refulgent from the stake of C » jar ' s fate Amidst the crowd of patri ts , and bis arm Aloft extending , like immortal Jove When guilt brings down tbe thunder , Called on Tally ' s name and bade the father of his countiy hail ? : ' Here ( said Mr . O'Connell ) I paraphrase—; For lo 1 the Union ' s prostrate in the dost , And Ireland Again is free . ( Tremendous cheers which continued for several minutes , during the coarse of which the Hon . and Learned gentleman sat down ) . :
Mr . O'Connell again rose when the cheering had subsided , and said that he had a most pleasing duty to perform . It was quite clear that he was perfectly justified in sparing the infliction of anything like a spuech upon the assembly on that occasion , for the toast be bad to propose was one that recommended itself to them without the aid of any suggestions of his . He would give them the health of the first peer that joined the Bepeal cause—the upright , the pnre—the friend of Ireland and of her' liberties—the devotedly attached lover of Irish freedom and independence . He would give them health and long life to their noble chairman , Lord Ffrench . ( Drunk with continued applause , ) The Noble Chaikman returned thanks in warm terms for the very flattering manner in which bis same bad been proposed and received , and then proposed the next toast namely ,
" Ireland for the Irish , and tbe Irish for Ireland . " Mr . CeSTELLO being loudly called npon , returned thanks in eloquent terms . The Chairman sali he felt it impossible to express the subject ef his next toast better than by giving the health of the distinguished prelate that he was about to propose , under the characteristic designation applied with such truth by the " Liberator . " He would give them , with the . most profound esteem and veneration . " His Grace tbe Archbishop of Tuam , the' Lion of tbe fold of Judah . '" The toast was drank with the most lively and unbounded expressions of enthusiasm , tbe entire company standing and waving' their handkerchiefs for several moments .
His Geace the Archbishop replied in a suitable speech . A number of other toasts were given which were eloquently responded to , and the meeting adjourned .
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THE NATIONAL BENEFIT SOCIETY . THE CHARTIST MOVEMENT . —THE GRADUATED SCALE . ir TO THE CHARTIST PUBLIC . FBiaow Labourers in the cause of Human Redemption From exactions and oppressions op Trade Tyrants . Religious Tybants , Legislative TYTtANTS , AND FROM TYRANTS OF EVEKT Class . and Caste . —It behoves us as men of sincerity , not to occupy the whole of our time about any one of these evils separately ; but at once to grapple with the whole , lest oar order should sink under the united weight sif all these tyrannies , or be driven Into sanguinary conflict with the combined army of oppression ; for in that case , where , when , and how the battle will enis beyond oar human foresight to divine .
The necessity of a National Benefit Society , to relieve in some degree the wide spread destitution which this many beaded oppressor bath produced , and is daily increasing , has not been disputed ; and I shall therefore ! hold it is indisputable , and established . Indeed Oldham and Bradford bare anticipated it , and started a society for the purchase of land , at such low subscriptions that the poor can afford . How long will the other localities , towns , and cities allow these places to be in advance of them ? Some other localities have commenced the consideration , of the subject : and then is hope that all will speedily follow in the onward track . Oldham hath furnished an instance of the good that can be done by a benefit society vesting its funds on the land , as set forth in the Star some
months since . Tbe Socialists have set us an example in that respect . Let not these examples be lost upon us . O'Connor has set forth the immense advantages within oar reach by applying our pence and minds a little to the land . Let not bis advice be wasted on . us . Mr . Hill hath promised to publish a plan for the achievement of the three-fold object , of helping the needy , purchasing the land , and gaining the Char * ter , by safe and easy means , entirely under the protection of the law . Let as anxiously seek its appearance . The Graduated Scale—Brothers , I have in my former letters spoken of a graduated scale as 1 ecessary to the present depressed and varied eircumstances of tbe Cbartists and the tailing class generally . The following , I think , may be adopted without fear of failure in a National Society .
FOR MEMBERS ONLY . Subscription In case of need Weekly Weekly . entitled to the Payments . Id ... ... sum of 2 s ^ O II ¦ ::. ::. ::: ::: ::: . £ \\ l \\\ 4 d ' ... 8 * f-B' !* sd ... io 8 § af ** 6 d 12 i \ 5 © ¦ S . I ? d us ,.: l 3 .- s& 8 d 16 s 3 » 5 * 8 . 8 . 9 . 1 ... ... .- 18 a ~| " | £ 10 d ... 20 SJ g-ggS-S . At the death of a member the society to provide an elm eeffin , moulded top and . bottom , best furniture , a pall , the loan of cloaks , hatbands , && ; and when re * quired , to provide a grave , head-stone , and bearers .
When the society Is become large and possessed of land and other property , I think they may add in sickness a doctor . In support of this scale , I would say to those who may object to the lowness of the payments to members in need , that the benefit societies wbich give more , only give in sickness , for births , and for deaths ; whereas tbe society I propose is to give the weekly stipend when the member needs through want of employment . To those who object that the payment is too ' high , more thin a society can give , I most urge in reply , that such a society by applying its funds in the purchase of land or other raw material for the beneficial employment of its members wonld generally be able when members fell upon the box , to give them employment , and so continue them as paying members instead of recipients .
Again , it is proposed to be a National Society , for tbe ultimate locating the great majority of the toiling class who are willing , in their own societies , farms or workshops , as part proprietors of the establishments , and shares of the labours , and the raising of wages for thosa who choos 8 to stay in the employ of the master class . Therefore , such a society once safely established , could afford to offer and give greater benefits than any society that has yet been established ; aa respects funerals , inasmuch as tbe society would have its own workshops and artisans , and could purchase the materials at the first hand , it might give Its deceased members a more decent and respectable funeral than any other society , at a considerable less cost to the funds .
In addition to this graduated scale the society may have a land fund , for , such of its members who ean afford to subscribe more than their weekly subscription to the benefit scale ; and also for ethers who da not feel inclined to subscribe to tbe benefit scale . It may also have a Savings' Bank for the members , or any other persons , or bodies , to place such funds as they could spare , at a fair rate of interest , to be ( " rawn out after certain notice to that effect . Some firms , ot companies , have similar banks attached , wherein trade and benefit societies place their money , by'which means the capitalists are able to use the money of the working olass against tfeem ; but as in all probability a great many members of Trade Societies would belong to such a national society as herein set
forth , by lending the trade fund to it they would be lending it to themselves , and that too for the purpose fof which It . were subscribed—namely , to raise wages . Further ; our friends most not suppose that that we shall be © bilged to proceed only with tbe fusils paid in by members ; for when we have made our first purchase of land or buildings , we shall be able to raise the amount of purchase money nearly , by mortgage on the property at 3 i per cent , and use the same at a-profit of 15 or 25 per ' cent , to the society . It will be the numerous means of acquiring wealth that we shall possess in such a society , that will ensure the achivements of the great national objects , we have in view . The practicability of such a society exists of coarse in the means of our disposal to carry it out I
have enumerated a great portion of those means in an earlier letter upon the practicability of the proposed society . They are the earns that each individual in employ can stint himself of , out of his reduced and still reducing wagea for the purpose of stopping such redactions by opening a labour market of his own . The aggregate of thase sums are first the wealth to be employed in the undertaking ; the second is the knowledge , zeal , and integrity we . possess in our Chartist localities to conduct such a movement ; bat one most important of our meanB I did not name ; and tbat is , that we have at oar command a practical farmer , who will conduct our land operations , as he . hath done all oar others , —gratuitously . Yoa
will anticipate my information . It is our Barrister who hath expended so much of bis time and money in the trials of oar leaders ; it is our agitator who hath agitated throughout tbe length and breadth of tbe laud for us , at his own expense , time after time ; it ia he who established the Northern Star , the poor man's newspaper , to advocate our rights , —it is he who was rich , but hath made himself poor by our cause ; it is our chieftain , Feargus O'Connor . He hath intimated , too , that he believes he could get T . Doncombe , Esq ., our M . P ., and Sharman Crawford , Esq ., M . P ., to become trustees to such an association . Shall we not avail ourselves of their names and services in so great a cause ?
Shall we neglect advantages such as these , that never before the people of England had at their command ? Dj we so love tbe slough of wretchedness and slavery in which we are engulphed , as to leave this mighty chain of circumstauces for relief , to corrode in partial idleness of the uses to which they should be applied ? No- No . I feel that our wonted energy , zeal and industry will presently direct our steps ; that our love of country aud of kind , will dictate a nobier course ; that our affection , pHy , and respect for those who have been sacrificed for the cause , for their wives and fatherless children , will rouse us to a sense of our situation ,
We shall soon percefve , that onr duty to ourselves oar fellaw-slaves , our eaatous advocates , our untiling agitators and instructors , our disinterested friends , and last not least , to our noble , modest , chief labourer , O'Connor , imperatively demands our utmost vigour in the application of all those means that I have enumerated , to the most extensive uses of which they are capable for the benefit of all Who will unite with us in tbe good work of emancipating mankind from slavery , povorty , and crime . With a longing desire to see the great work commenced , I remain , yours in hope , Gracchus .
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Notice of Burial . —The following no ' toe wag lately affixed at a church door in Hertibrrf = hirvj , and read in tho Church : — " This is to giv <* iu > uoe , tuafc no person is to be boricd in this chan- ?? yard bat ttio-o livuie in ih « parish ; and those who wish t . o bo bui- ^ a uro ugoiied w » pplv ^ e parish , clwtk . "
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NOMINATIONS FOR THE GENERAL COUNCIL . NOTTINGHAM . —PEM 4 LES . Mrs . Martha Sweet , Goose-gate . Mrs . Hannah Barnett , Waburn-atreet . Mrs . Maria EHis Independent-hill . Mrs . Susannah Wainwright , York-street . Mrs , Eliza Wilkina , York-street . , Miss'Maxy Ann Ellis , Independent-bill , sub-Treasurer . MiEsMary Ann Abbott , Mount East-street , sab-Secretary .
STJTTOJf-IN-ASHFIELD . Mr . Joseph * Fox , framework -knitter , Unionstreet . ' Mr . James Fox , do ., Pingle-green . Mr . Wm , Oxley , do ., do . Mr . George Webster , do ., Reform-street . Mr . Wm . Blasdill , do ., do . , Mr . John Arnold , do ., Low-street . Mr . Francis Spencer , do ,. Quarry-yard . Mr . George Kendall , do .. Union-street , sub-Treasurer . Mr . George Holland , do ., Market-place , sub-Secretary .
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i THE NORTHERN STAR j 7
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), July 8, 1843, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct489/page/7/
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