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NoT. i, i85i.j ®tft ^eaiev* 1039
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The morning papers, speaking generally o...
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lhc following note from Louis Kostmth to...
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Abe treaty of the Submarine Telegraph Co...
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SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 1, 1851.
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There i3 nothing so revolutionary, "beca...
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KOSSUTH AND THE ENGLISH PEOPLE. The chos...
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'HIE CAMPAIGN OF 1H62—MOHH SIGNS. " Not ...
Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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Transcript
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.
October 21, 1851. My Dear Hooper,—We Hav...
other states abstain from meddling in the internal ? * £ ?« of any country . That , without a drop of J ^ Sh bto X or a ^ shilling ' of English treasure ^ oud suffice to set the nations free . He accented our attentions with thanks ; but he put it tome to say whether the banquet , proposed by the central committee , would furnish the opportunity that he had forecast to himself ? I could not vouch for it-I could not promise that a banquet originating with the Working People would be
Joined by the leading men of other classes ; I felt shame and sorrow at the divisions of my country , incapable of national action . I told him of these divisions ; told him that , to speak to all , he must address himself to the divided halves ; and expressed my belief that it might be -his glorious mission , by thus doing , to reunite us— -that , by his glorious and undeniable appeal to nationality , he mi ^ ht restore our sense of nationality ; and , declining
to advise him , submitting to him what information could , I begged of him to consult his friends—advisers who knew both , him and us . He promised to send his answer . _ Whatever it be , I came away impressed with the conviction that his coming would be a blessing to us that it would restore , as it has done in Southampton , that feeling of nationality whicn will unite our divided parties and classes , and enable us Englishmen , in standing by Hungary , to learn once more the habit of standing by each other . —Ever , my dear broiher-workman , your afiectionate Thornton' Hunt .
Not. I, I85i.J ®Tft ^Eaiev* 1039
NoT . i , i 85 i . j ® tft ^ eaiev * 1039
The Morning Papers, Speaking Generally O...
The morning papers , speaking generally of that wide field of print , present a curious contrasted union of great facts and great figments : the journals are engaged in a combined attack upon Kossuth and his career ; in the same pages they are reporting the spontaneous expression of welcome and encouragement which is bursting forth from every part of the country—from every class — from trades' associations and political bodies — from the municipalities—in short , from the Nation . There has not been since the Reform Bill—we
do not except even the anti-corn-law move—anything like so combined , so spontaneous , so decisive , and so fervid an expression of feeling on the part of the nation . The idea of an association , thrown out by Kossuth , is exactly of- the practical and definite kind suited to English understanding and habits . The demand that he makes upon this country—complete non interventionexactly meets the conviction and feeling of the immense majority . We say that complete non-intervention does so ; but to this subject we shall return next week .
The English people , especially the labouring classes , cordially welcome the idea to . which Kossuth has given his adhesion—the alliance of the Peoples . They already desired it . The arrival of the Hungarian recalls to their minds a leader who has won their respect , and who has long been endeared to their regard . As he becomes more acquainted with the people , Kossuth will find , as we can vouch from personal knowledge , that there is at present no name so thoroughly respected , so trusted , so welcomed with a feeling of Jong affection , as that of Joseph Mazzini . To show that Mazzini vouches for a thing , is to satisfy the people of this country . As to what journals have said on that point—Kossuth can judge of our journals . We speak from personal knowledge of the people face to face . They welcome Kossuth as the Hungarian Mazzini .
Koasuth proceeded yesterday to the house of the Mayor of Southampton , near Winchester . Oreat were the rejoicings at all the villages , and an ovation at Winchester . There was some speaking at the house of the spirited Mayor of Southampton . We register the last words of the speech of Mr . Andrews . They contain the very pith of English heartiness and Knglish sympathy . He , the Mayor , had received threatening letters for hia reception of Kossuth , but he disregarded them , and declared that so long as he had a home Kossuth should have shelter , and as long as he had a sixpence Kossuth should share it . ( Loud cheers . ) Honour to right hearty English Richard Andrews !
The Leeds Town Council , at a special meeting held on Thursday , agreed to an address to the illustrious Hun-Kurian patriot , Koasuth , on his arrival in this country . Die address was carried unanimously . AIho Coventry met on Wednesday , in St . Mary'is-hall , and agreed that an address should be presented to Kossuth .
Lhc Following Note From Louis Kostmth To...
lhc following note from Louis Kostmth to Mr . TouImin k'oith ia conclusive as to one fact : — * ' Southampton , Octobur 2-1 , 1851 . DitAit Sut , —In reply to your note , I beg leave to ifiBure yoU that the name of the Baroness von Beck is utterl y unknown to mo . There was a person named ¦ itucidula employed by my Government us a Hpy , whom Hilw twice in my life , and gave special instructions to '"» a spy . That ia all 1 know about her . —I am , Sir , with "W highest regard , your obedient servant , " L . KosBirm . "
Abe Treaty Of The Submarine Telegraph Co...
Abe treaty of the Submarine Telegraph Company has uten Bigned by the Minister of the Interior . arni . l M ( Huluy ni K ht » tlle 13 th instant , about thirty Dati »"" i c'lu'rH were \> urnuin « their nightly ocouboro I'" llUl ( 1 at lt " ffor < 1 » belonging to the Earl of Scaruiu | ' ' , wlieu ^ lu > y were encountered by tho keepers fhui wati : n *' » ei tfht in number , who , uutioiniUing the their ' . a 11 armetl with flails made purposely for kc « , ; ,, r « « V : n rC 8 Ult ° ° in J WBB **>** »«« ° * *&• *<* per » Wfta klUcd ftud H 0 Vcrftl w / undcd _
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Saturday, November 1, 1851.
SATURDAY , NOVEMBER 1 , 1851 .
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There I3 Nothing So Revolutionary, "Beca...
There i 3 nothing so revolutionary , "becaxise there is nothing so unnatural and convulsive , as the strain to keep things fixed when all the world is by the very law of Lta creation in eternal progrese .- » -DB . Arnold .
Kossuth And The English People. The Chos...
KOSSUTH AND THE ENGLISH PEOPLE . The chosen Governor of the Hungarians haa complied with the wish of the English People to see him face to face , to hear his voice . He will receive the address of the Central Committee , on Monday next , in a room at Copenhagen-house ; afterwards he will come forth and address a few words to the assembled multitude . He is obliged
to speak briefly : his voice , never powerful , except in its persuasiveness , has been enfeebled by his protracted captivity , his patriotic anxieties ; and since his arrival in England he has been too lavish of it , even in comparatively private gatherings . ' You must not , " said an Hungarian in his confidence to the Chairman of the Central Committee , " you must not kill him . " Heaven forbid ! It would be too great a service to Austria and Russia .
On his first arrival in this country , Kossuth was the game hunted by whole packs of eager politicians , anxious to get the first word of him . We did not share that anxiety . We saw that possession was supposed to be taken of him by circles whose notion of political sagacity is , to hush up genuine national feeling , to turn the struggles of nations into commonplace periods for half public dinners , and to treat Hungary as Poland has been
treated by the " Literary friends of Poland "to make it the subject for a charitable incorporated thesis . We saw that officials , of the very highest rank , were baiting overtures to the Hungarian with the very same hinted promises which had inveigled Sicily ; we saw that Kossuth himself had somewhat mistaken the constitution of English political society , and had taken the corporations for a real embodiment of the People , for a political
power . But we had no fear . We knew that his object was national ; and we knew that he must address the nation . It cannot be addressed through bureaux or Mayors ; and we knew that he would soon discover that fact . - Lord Mayor Musgrove is not more identical with " England " than is Lord Palmerston . You do not address England through either of them ; and we felt sure that his practised eye would soon find it out .
Kossuth desires to avoid parties ; but if he had stuck to the ( juiluhall , or let himself be inveigled into the parlours of Downing-street , he would have fallen into something smaller than parties—into cliques . The People can only be addressed directly . The working classes are not to be found in Guildhalls or thirty-shilling banquets . If they are not " the People , " still less are the neutral-tinted moneyed classes the Nation . Indeed the nearest resemblance to a " municipality " of the working clasHes is their own Trades Unions .
KosKuth has discerned the realities His voice will go direct to the heart of the People . He has avoided party , and the People respects his resolve . Party divisions are forgotten as ho approaches . The influence which he is winning is acknowledged even by his opponents : the Lending Journal , however sensitive on the score of Austrian stock , which is dreadfully damaged in the Money Market , begins to mitigate ita rancour ; tho quasi-ofiiciul Post defends the Hungarian against the nggrcHsion of the commercial paper . The nation , in all classes responds to his appeal ; and the journals , behind the public in learning that fact , are discovering their false position .
Doubts , falso rumours , and diversions have contributed , in many cases have deliberately been emp loyed , to cripple the demonstration on Monday ; hut we believe the bulk of the working classes can be an little diverted from their purpose aa the Governor of Hungary- haa been .
'Hie Campaign Of 1h62—Mohh Signs. " Not ...
'HIE CAMPAIGN OF 1 H 62—MOHH SIGNS . " Not one to help us— no , not one , " said Kotisuth , of that brave fight which his country waged against the united anuica of th © two immense empires
Austria and Russia . Not one , in that bad year Hungary was waging the war of National Freedom , and not one of the free nations , whose cause was at stake , —whose own future is threatened by the steady advance of the " Holy Alliance , "—not one then stood forward to help Hungary . Italy would have done so , had not . But let us not speak of the past now—only of the future . Italy is strong in life , in generosity , and in hope .
And Hungary will not be " alone " next time . No , the Peoples now know their common interest . The English People is awakening to a sense of the shameful and insidious part which , its own Govern ment played in 1848 , and we do begin to hope that the Government will no more be permitted to subserve the cause of Absolutism . And America is rousing herself .
Events are advancing rapidly . Proofs of the assiduity exerted on both sides , on that of the " Holy Alliance " of 1815 , and that of the Peoples , now come to us , in thickening numbers , from both sides oi the Atlantic . America is beginning to take as much interest in the movement as we do . The Paris correspondent of the Journal of Com * merce , a gentleman of much experience and ability , writes thus : —
* ' That great events are just before us is certain . That crisis of which I have often spoken to you is drawing very near . Between the 16 th day of September and the middle or end of next May , the destinies of Europe for probably half a century—which in these days is a very long—will be decided . A fieice struggle—it may be a most desperate and bloody struggle—between liberty , civil and religious , on the one hand , and hoary despotism in politics and religion on the other . What will be the issue , God alone knows .
" I find that there is a wonderful activity here in the political world . The foreign Ambassadors , especially those of Austria , Prussia , and Russia , have frequent conferences , and are constantly sending and receiving despatches . Nor are the Ministers resident of the smaller Powers , such as Sardinia , Naples , Spain , the States of the Church , Belgium , and Holland , idle . Those of England and the United States are wide awake , and the former has not a little to do to look after these Continental States , and the movements of their rulers . "
This was six or seven weeks ago ; but the activity has increased ; and the meaning of it is rendered more distinct by the intimation in the Times " It is scarcely too much to affirm , " says that journal , " that the aspect and policy of the Continental Powers hay already been modified and shaken'' by " the fall of M . Leon Faucher " : — " The leading Ntatesmt n se ^ in this design of the President an anticipation of the dreadful crisis of 1852 ; they Bee a diminution of the hopes once entertained , that the crisis mi ^ ht be leg ; illy and peact fully
terminated by obtaining the assent of the Assembly to the revision of the constitution ; they beli' -ve time the chances of success and ascendancy which come next in order to those of Louis Napoleon are not the claims of General Changarnier as a Parliamentary chief , or those of the Prince de Joinville as the representative of a spurious monarchy , but those of the Red Republic , and they anticipate with inueeertuinty and with stronger apprehensions , that the time is not far di .-tant when tin * unneijiU k ihey lutvis > iu :-ceeded in restoring by their armies at home must bo supported by their armies abroad .
" In short , both in Prussia and in Austria , in spite of the overwhelming burden of the military e-iablisluneniH , the aspect of ulfairs in France is held to be sufficiently ominous to prohibit any reduction of the forces ; and , on the contrary , these armies , in conjunction with the troops of the whole Confederation , are constantly increasing in strength and ellicieiicy . The incalculable trust confided by the will of the French people to Louis Napoleon is , n < t only that of the order and good government of their own country , which they are froe to dispose of at their pleasure , but it likewise involves the peace ami tranquillity of Europe . . . . The continent of Kuropo stands in arms , not against Frame , nor against Louis Napoleon , but against the uncertain and the unknown which lies beyond him . "
The Military Journal of Prussia indicates that much more use will be made of forts than i" tho last war—partly because Napoleon ' s idea of having superseded them has been exploded by newer science , partly because the war is now to bo directed by Governments " mostly against infernal foes "—the Peoples Paris is already provided with forts— "thofte excellent positions , it there is a good commander in every fort " ; Austria in busy in Italy , —everywhere : " wherever we look , Hptuta and trowel art ; labouring against , futuro balls . " In short , Austria , Prussia , and Russia , with nil the minor Powers , uro completing their immense preparations to crush the revolution or
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), Nov. 1, 1851, page 11, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_01111851/page/11/
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