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1032 <E!)£ %t&ittt [Saturday ,
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Kossuth's Welcome. Kossuth At Winchester...
If Hungarian , independence be not restored , this Russian influence will be redoubled . " And what I request in the name of my poor country , and in the interest of all the oppressed nations in Europe , is not that England may draw its sword for the restoration of Hungary ! Gentlemen , all I humbly request , wish ,. and hope , is that England may not abandon that right which in Europe is due to her —{ hear , hear )—that Engl and may not give a charter to the Czar to dispose of the destiny of Europe . ( Hear , hear . ) Public opinion in England can make it a living principle in acknowledging the natural right of every nation to dispose of itself—not to allow the Czar to interfere with the domestic concerns of whatever nation i n Europe . ( Hear , hear . ) PeophVof the mighty Albion , that is all—there is nothing else that oppressed humanity expects , entreats , and hopes for . As to the rest , leave itto the nations of Europe . "
He touchingly referred to himself and his calumniators . " My life is an open book . ( Cheers . ) It is history which will pronounce its judgment upon me , and neither Austrian hirelings , nor party spirit , nor blind passion , nor those ba 6 e and absurd calumnies which , in my posi tion could not fail to be launched at me , though I am almost surprised to see these calumnies find their way into certain places in which I should not have expected to see them . ( Hear , hear . ) It may be that , relying on the fact that my people is a moral people—a people which never , never can be charged with having given its confidence or its love to a man who was not an honest man—it may be that , relying upon the testimony of my
people , I shall not consider these calumnies . It may be that I shall entreat the protection of the law of England . ( Loud cheers . ) I will consider the matter as soon as my duties to my fatherland shall leave me a single moment to sacrifice to myself . Still I must say , that I sincerely regret to see that these calumnies have spread in England , not for my own self , because I believe they can but enhance the generous affection of generous men , it being natural to generous men to feel indignation at such calumnies ; but I regret this , because it is no pleasing prospect for our humanity to see our fellow-creatures delighting in such matters . But still it is history which will pronounce its verdict on my public life . ( ' ¦ Hear , hear , and cheers . ) Humble as I am , I have had a public life , and , perhaps , I may have one yet . ( Loud cheers . )"
Finally , after showing that Hungary had a future ¦ while Austria had no future ; after avowing his belief that there wa 8 vitality in Turkey yet , and that the maintenance of her power was necessary to England , he complained of Buffering pain in the chest , and wound up with woids of graceful thanks , proposing " England , Turkey , and the United States . " Colonel T . B . Lawrence , an attache of the American Legation , responded . Lord Dudley Stuart delivered a short speech , coupling Hungary and Poland . The Reverend Mr . Wyld gave " The Constitutional Governments of England and the United States , " to which Mr . Walker , United States , responded . America , he said , acted upon the principle of nonintervention . Let nations be slaves if they chose ; let them be free if they chose , and let no external power come in to hinder them : —
" He desired now to indorse the sentiment of the American consul—and the people of America would be ready to indorse it too—that whilst they were opposed to any intervention in the concerns of other countries , the time might come when , if despots should combine to overthrow the liberties of any nation , the people of the United States would be prepared to unite with their ancestors . ( Loud cheers , amidst which Kossuth rose and gratefully acknowledged the tone of the speaker ' s remarks . ) These islands were , from their remarkable insular position , a sort of breakwater of liberty , between the American and the European continents , and the Americans felt that , if the surges of despotism were ever to break on their own shore , they must first overwhelm this
country . ( Hear , hear . ) If , then , this alliance of despots , headed by Russia , which was the soul and body of the whole—( hear , hear )—should attempt to make war upon free Governments ; if it should intimate to England , as it did to Hungary , that it must give up its free institutions ; if it should say to England , ' Abandon your Queen , give up your throne , give up your Parliament , give up your trial by jury , give up your habeas corpus , give up all those great fundamental principles which mark you as a free people ; ' if these tyrannous demands should ever be made , and the people of England should nay to their relatives—for they felt that they were related to them in blood , and in language , and by a thousand endearing recollections of the glories of the past—( cheers )—mid they would be related , too , as lie believed looking at those two flags ( pointing to the flags of the two
nations in the room ) by the still brighter glories of the future and if tliiu country should ever Bay to the United States , ' The time is come when the great conflict must commence between the principles of despotism and those of liberty ' —a conflict which he believed wus close at hand—( hear , hear )—l \ wre were millions of his countrymen who would delight to flock to the BhoreB of Great Uritftin , and under its and their stand , ard to overthrow despotism . ( Immense cheering . ) Why should England and America united fear the world in arms ? ( Cheers . ) Was not the ocean theirs ? Did not their commercial and naval marine amount to nineten h « of the commercial and naval marine of the whole world 1 ( Hear , hear . ) Hut he would not boas of their power All he would Bay was , that in America there were 4 000 , 000 of militia , and he believed that if the day which he had indicated should come , the vessels now built und those which , would be created by euch an
occasion , would not contain the millions who would : rush to the rescue of liberty at the call of their forefathers . ( Loud cheers . )*' And he wound up by proposing " Louis Kossuth , the exile , without wealth or office , but more feared by despots than an army with banners . ( Great Applause . ) , ' , , : Mr . Gilpin proposed " Municipal Institutions , the bulwarks of national independence . " Several other toasts were drunk , and the company did not separate until a late hour . Kossuth left Southampton the same night for London .
AT THE GTJILDHAIili . Kossuth ' s progress from Eaton-square to the Guildhall , on Thursday , was an unpremeditated ovation offered by the people . Crowds assembled at Eatonsquare , crowds lined the streets , there was a large crowd at Charing-cross , where Kossuth said a few words to the people ; all up the Strand were ranks , windows were filled with gazers , and a 3 the procession passed slowly along the watchers nearer to the City heard the thrilling , unmistakable roar of a British crowd , mob if you like . In the City the multitude was so dense that the carriages were delayed . Here , even the Times admits , the crowd was very " respectable , " and the cheering very hearty . ^ Kossuth reached the Guildhall just before one o ' clock . In the carriage with him were Lord Dudley Stuart , Mr . Gilpinand Mr . Alderman Wire .
, The Common Council Chamber was thronged , and the court full . When Kossuth entered there was a burstf of cheering at once hearty and unanimous . The address was read by the Town-clerk , and presented to Kossuth , who pressed it expressively to his
breast . Kossuth , of course , replied by an oration . It was long , less impulsive , less eloquent than his Winchester and Southampton speeches ; but it was clear , philosophic , and suited to the audience . There was the greatest reach of principle in it , but expressed in sober language ; and the stuff of the oration was the principles of municipal institutions as illustrated that day . Two passages , however , we cannot pass by . The first points out how essential to freedom is an active interest in foreign affairs , and the consequence , abolition of secrecy in diplomacy .
" I confidently state that among all the interior questions of England there is not a single one which could outweigh in importance this question to the whole of England , and in regard to London , the metropolis of the ¦ world , —to London foreign affairs constitute a very question of life . ( Hear , hear . ) The city of London , aware of this position of being the metropolis of the world , and consequently aware of the necessity to watch attentively foreign affairs and the condition of foreign countries , has bestowed the benefit and the honour to be attentive to the cause of freedom . In consequence of this attention , you bestowed your interest upon the past struggles of Hungary , because you saw our cause to be iust , righteous , and in harmony with those
mighty interests which are embodied in the city of London ; and , therefore , you united with your interest for the past your wishes for the future . And here , my Lord Mayor and gentlemen , you meet my first request . Let not these wishes , this sympathy , remain a barren word- You have the power to do so—give to oppressed humanity your helping hand . ( Cheers . ) I cannot forbear , having spoken some words on the importance of foreign affairs , and especially in respect to the city of London , stating , that I believe the time draws near when , for the whole world in the management of diplomacy , a radical change must take place . The basis of diplomacy has been secrecy ; and there is the triumph of
absolutism and the misfortune of a free people . I hope soon this will cease , and foreign affairs will be conducted by that power which must be the ruling one in a constitutional Government—public opinion . ( Hear , hear . ) I scarcely can see how it is possible that this principle of the secret of diplomacy got ground , not in England onl y , but throughout the whole world , when a question of a single penny of the national property could not be disposed of without the consent of the people . ( Hear , hear . ) How are the interests of the country guarded and carried out in respect of these foreign affairs ? There is a secrecy which would be dangerous to the
interests of the country and to constitutional liberty to develope . Not only that the people should not know how its interests are treated , but even after the time has passed they should be told , ' The dinner has been prepared and eaten , and the people have nothing to do but to digest the consequences . ' ( ' Hear , hear , ' and l aughter . ) What is the principle of all evil in Europe ? The encroaching spirit of Kussia . ( Hear , hear . ) And by what power has ltussia become bo mighty ? By its arms f No ; the arms of ltussia are below those of many Towers . It has become almost omnipotent , at least very dangerous to liberty , by diplomatic intrigues . Now , against the secret intrigues of diplomacy there is no surer safeguard or more powerful countcration than public opinion . ( 11 car , hear . )"
The next is on the pence question and the limitation which an Uxile of Hungary must place to tho non-intervention theory . " Such a city as London , with such immense industry and trade , wants tho consolidated peace of Europe . Now , 1 think you will aee the pence of the world is only possible when the nations of the world will be contented . The contentment of the nations is « uch a tree as only in the garden of liberty grows . ( Hear . ) Bo long as the nations of Europe shall not be free , bo long there cannot ho ponoe in Jsuropo , becnuso ; thot would
not be peace , but a prison , and this fair world wan , T created by God to be a prison to humanity— ( hear I \ —neither is it created for the gaoler ' s sake ! ( CheT } It is not long ago that a great association—the Pp 7 « Society—had a meeting here in London ; humaniT greets the existence of that society with hope W will hare peace , but a lasting and true peace and not oppression , slavery . Now , thisi association has prdclaimeH the principle of non-intervention . Could there be found a single man in the world to give such an interpretation to this principle of non-interference , that w hatever th Csar of Russia , or his satellite Hapsburg , should do with mankind and humanity , Engl and would not care for
it ? This is not non-interference ; this is a letter of marque given to the Czar to become the master of the world . ( Hear , hear . ) The principle of non-interference proclaimed even by the Peace Association has this meaning : —Every nation is free to dispose of its domestic con " cerns according as it is willing , and England should not interfere , and no foreign Power should dar e to interfere with this sovereign right of the nation . Oppressed humanity expects England to execute and safeguard this divine principle . Oppressed humanity expects , in the name of all those mighty principles I have had the honour to mention , London to take a lead in the direction of public opinion . ( Hear , hear . )"
Winding up energetically , M . Kossuth said a few things necessary for the citizens of London to hear : — " Gentlemen , I will again and again repeat to you these words ; I will repeat them with the faith of those martyrs of old , which has moved the hills and the mountains ; I will concentrate all the fire of my sentiments , all the blood of my heart , all the energy of my mind , to raise these words high and loud , deep and solemn , till the almighty echo of the public opinion in repeating it becomes like the thundering trumpet before the sound of which the ' Jericho' of human oppression falls : —and , should this feeble frame succumb
soonershould it succumb to the longing of my heart to see my fatherland independent and free , which longing , beats everlasting in my feeble frame , as the captive lion beats his iron cage—even the grass which will grow out of my grave will cry out to Heaven and to man , * England and America ! do not forget in your proud security those who are oppressed .- Do not grant a charter to the Czar to dispose of humanity . Do not grant a charter to the despots to drown liberty in Europe ' s blood . ( Ch-iers . ) Save the myriads who else would , and will , bleed ; and , by not granting this charter , be the liberators of the world ! ' ( M . Kossuth then resumed his seat amidst loud and continued
cheering . ) On the motion of Mr . Norris , it was ordered that the address presented to M . Kossuth be fairly written out , emblazoned , and framed in the usual way , and presented to him . After a few moments" pause M . Kossuth quitted the hall amidst renewed cheering , and returned to hia house , cheered by all whom he encountered on the
route . INTIMATIONS FROM THE FOREION-OFFICB . We cut the annexed paragraph from Lord Palmerston ' s organ , the Post : — " In the Times of Wednesday the following paragraph occurred : — ' It is stated on good authority that Lord Palmerston has oaused it to be intimated to the ex-Governor of Hungary , that he is ready to grant him an interview of a non-official and private character , should M . Kossuth desire it , and that so far as he ( Lord Palmerston ) is concerned , he is rather desirous of seeing him than otherwise . '
" We see no reason to'doubt that Lord Palmerston would be perfectly willing to see M . Kossuth , as he daily receives gentlemen of all nations and of oil political opinions , saving only such as are known to be inimical to the maintenance of social order ; out that the noble lord has caused it to be intimated to M . Kossuth that ' he is ready to grant !»«»»" interview of a non-official and private character , » a statement for which there is not tho slig '" eBU foundation in fact . " f , Had Mr . Andrews read this " retort courteous before the dinner of Tuesday , and the abusive leaui side by side with it , possibly ho and 1 " * du PS friends would not have been quite so ready to 0 PPV * the Minister who would have released Kossutn joi h ago , had he obtained a concordat from Kussia . / - »_ . nn 1 *!« !>•/ ltna fl *> nnlTlft JV . B ThursdaythPost has become *\""""'
, „ On , o vindicator against the Times . Singular , isn t THE GKNTUAI . COMMITTEE . - Kossuth has accepted the demonstration ° ™™' the working-classes , through the central coinni At first this wafl doubtful . A letter £ * $ ning was received by the Chairman , on Monday , cm- t tlie demonstration , andinforming the committee ^ it would be moat agreeable and convenient ¦ * ° anreceive the addrcBS at his own house- x " . irmWif nounccment a reply was forwarded by tno y ho intimating the diaappointmont of tho conjmitt ^ . really represented no party , but wore dfilegateB tho working-men and trades' »» ° ™ th ? com * W « don ; and a resolution was como to by tnc ftH to hold a public meeting » B near 1 < jtttoI | " JHH and possible , Bend a deputation with the auu ^ tU request Kossuth to como forth and sptu ittc e meeting . That was the ultimatum of the c on Monday night . By Wednesday , however , had changed , ^ dele" Mr . Thornton Hunt , Chairman , In www er w
1032 <E!)£ %T&Ittt [Saturday ,
1032 < E !) £ % t & ittt [ Saturday ,
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), Nov. 1, 1851, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_01111851/page/4/
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