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322 THE LEADER. . ¦ Xt^ X^A^; . ¦
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RECONCILIATION OF ROMAN CATHOLICS TO THE...
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DISORGANIZATION AMONG THE BOOKSELLERS. I...
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Transcript
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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Political Reform And Social Reform At Th...
John will consent to accept Mr . Cobden , and any one man or so belonging to the Radicals , but lie will not associate with the patty itself . Now we take the present House of Commons to be a fair specimen of the class which the present constituency is likejy to return ; there is no denying the fact that some-of the ablest men among the Liberals are of the mind to pass over , individually , as we see in the present instance , to the exclusive faction which claims to be the head of the Liberals : " therefore , and this is the most important fact connected with the Hume debate , that division is a tolerable illustration of the House likely to be returned by the present constituency , in the present temper of the country .
"We have no expectation that the next election will return a House materially different , or at all better . On the contrary , the means which even the best candidates appear disposed to take , to conciliate electors , are likely to make the next Parliament a shade less liberal . The party in office will probabl y gain a few votes ex ojficio ; but nothing materially to alter the relations on the subject of Protection . Some who were once Protectionists will now be prepared to vote with the majority , and will accept Free-trade as a fait accompli . But , following the example of Lord John , candidates are evidently inclined to traffic
in " Protestantism , " for which there is presumed to be a demand in the market . On the other hand , Lord John ' s rousing of the Protestant passion , which he did not satisfy , had the effect , by its insults and threats , of driving in the advanced guard of liberalized Roman Catholics ; Ireland , as we have reason to believe , even if recent elections did not prove it , is now in the hands of the Ultramontane party , and . will return an " Irish Brigade , " specially elected to antagonise the Ultra-Protestant brigade of England : may we not anticipate the spirit of debates on the Maynooth grant ?
Let us turn for a moment to the prospect out of doors . What is the question of all others most obvious and most urgent ? ] STot , _ assuredly , the Free-trade question , which is a settled question . What then ? Is it not the Labour question ? Yet what is the conduct of candidates appealing to Liberal constituencies ? They do not allude to that question . If they are supposed to have any connexion with attempts to solve it beneficially to all parties , not excepting the working classes , they are damaged by the supposition . The most obvious and most urgent
question of the day , then , is this Labour question , and yet the Liberal constituencies flinch from entertaining it ! It is the Ministerial , tne Protectionist , the Tory candidates , that allude to it in their electoral addresses , with a desire to facilitate the advance towards a solution . Liberal candidates prune their talk of Reform to a " moderate" measure , which shall not alarm , the middle class with fear of being swamped . Liberal candidates must appeal to self-interest , to commercial interest , or to local interest—it is interest ! interest ! interest ! everywhere . The disease of Liberalism ia Selfishness . Political impotency is tho retribution for that result of utilitarian philosophy .
Not a class in the country can attain its willnot even those that lie under great wants , nor those that aspire to great things . The workingclasses have most urgent need that their condition be surveyed ana amended ; but the Liberal classes holding political power turn from them both eyes and ears . Tho Liberals desire to press Roform—Parliamentary Reform , as a moans to obtaining financial reform—the saving of their pockets ! But although there is not the slightest doubt that the groat body of tho people , divide it how you will , desire roform to sortie extent , and at least as far as Mr . Humo ' s motion , ovory specific plan , from Lord John Russell ' s or Mr . Hume ' s , to Mr . Berkeley ' s ) ballot motion , or tho so-called " Charter" itsolf , is miserably defeated ,
tho people riot taking siifHoient interest in it- to place its success beyond a doubt . Public faith has been woariod out by tho use of publio " questions" as 1 ; oo 1 b for oblique purposes ; " movements" have boon got up for protended objects j tho one tangiblo tost of all measures has boon found in " interest ; " public spirit has boon taught to bo mean and selfish , and , liko ill-bred children , it repays its parents , tho intriguing Reformers , with abandonment . The best thing that can happen to " Roform" is its suspension for a season . Let tho public rocogniso tho groat fact that Reform is beaten—beaten
whenever it shows itself bodily , and stands the trial of battle . It will recover life only when bolder and more generous candidates shall have taught the people to see once more examples of high spirit , and to sympathize with them | meaiir ness and selfishness must be shamed out of the national presence , whose place they have usurped . Meanwhile , thete ia one thing that practical Social Reformers can do , even at the next election . Let them forget as much as possible the old party nicknames , and ask the candidates what are their views on the Labour question—^ what they think about an amended law of partnership , of
poorlaw reform in the sense of reproductive employment , and such questions , vague and pleasing generalities , such as a " desire to ameliorate the condition of the labouring classes , " no doubt very sincerely entertained by all candidates of every phase , may be accepted for what they are worth , as , at least , a homage to the dawning day ; but distinct declarations on special questions , and
not mere phrases , however large in benevolent intention , it is the duty of electors to exact , and of professing representatives to give . And wherever it is practicable , let the Social Reformers appoint a committee of their own , and act together , for Social Reform objects . They may not be able to elect their own candidate , but they may be able to choose the better man , to turn the balance of more than one election , and
thus to establish the Social Reform party as one of the political powers of the day . In doing so , we pray that they may enter the political field with the firm resolve to restore a more generous spirit to public action .
322 The Leader. . ¦ Xt^ X^A^; . ¦
322 THE LEADER . . ¦ Xt ^ X ^ A ^; . ¦
Reconciliation Of Roman Catholics To The...
RECONCILIATION OF ROMAN CATHOLICS TO THE STATE . Roman Catholicism has nOw placed itself , not only in an attitude of " defence , " but in an attitude of aggression . We should prefer to write , were it not a cumbersome phrase , Official Roman Catholicism ; for there- are jtwo . Ireland has seen Roman Catholic bishops who not only had no objection , but who openly lent assistance , to the scheme of mixed education , and who supported the Cork , Galway , and Belfast Colleges .
These gentlemen were prepared to improve , enlighten , and elevate the people of Ireland of all ranks and classes j and under the wise administration of Sir Robert Peel much was accomplished in that direction . Liberty for all , protection of the rights of all , even assistance to all who really laboured for the common welfare of their common country , proved beneficent agents in the good work . Sir Robert Peel died , and was buried in the little unpretending Saxon church at Drayton Bassett ; and it would almost seem that liis policy linrl rliprl nnd bfinn buried with him . Russell
was Prime Minister , a politician usually considered as rather pro-catholic , and whose fate it lias been to stir passions and rouse animosities long sleeping in obscure minds . Tho Pope promulged his bull—the Prime Minister wrote his letter to Durham—the British lion shook his Protestant mane , and growled in chorus with enraged bigotry—the country was convulsed- — tho parliament met , and a measure , insolent in its animus , detestable in its provisions , ridiculous in its operation , bogotten by tho Whigs and fostered
by the Tories , received the Royal assent , x ortliwith up started Ultramontanism ( which wo term official Catholicism ) , the moderate Catholics were overwhelmed , Pool ' s policy was in spirit undone ; and this work was tho work of tho Whigs . Tho Roman Catholics are at Avar with the State , and justly , while that detestable measure , the Ecclesiastical Titles Assumption Act , is on tho statute-book ; and nothing will roconcile them to tho State but a recurrence to tlio policy initiated by Pool , and an enlarged application of it for tho benefit of us all .
Our present state is calculated to create only regret and alarm . Wo have a Tory Ministry—11 Ministry of the men who envenomed the sham concocted by Pago Wood and Russell in 1851 . Wo have Ireland , literally , in the hands of tho Ultramontane party , commanding all fcho votes , roady to elect anybody , bo that ho bo pledged to thoir despotic creod , menacing Irish national and mixed education , defiant , nggrosHivo , insolent , ready to go all lengths . Wo have moderate Jloman Catholicism swarnped—wo huvq Protestant candidates placed undor a ban . Tho Marquis of Kildaro retires before tho storm raised against him in tho very county whonco ho derives hie title . Mr . Torrons M'Cullagh , a Protestant also , faithful soldier in tho Irish Brigade , but what of
that P is compelled to cedeDundalk to a thick and thin Roman Catholic * ! fThe ^ Jectic ^ is are to hie foughtas religious contests ' ; the ^ apal creed , like the sw , ord . ' , pfWBrenousj ! iBv- ; tljirQiii ^ - .. ; Shito ' . ' the scale ; it is a religious war to all intents , ; an < l purposes , and once mor $ > prptestant and R ^ nran Ga * tholicj , assuch ,-are ranged in opposing ranks . On the-of ^ e 7 : si 4 e ; : iu Bnglanil' ^ d >^ 6 ^ 'd , the Protestants have ^ protestantized themselves . ; and after twenty-three years of amity , have changed the maxims of Lutherfpr the maxims of ;
Dominic . JFor when Protestants attempt to coerce the members of another faith ,, and , arrogate to themselves ; the right of sitting in judgment on another creed , then , they virtually forfeit their right to be called Protestants , and place thpso whom they persecute in . the positionpt Protesters The Whigs have done , this . Ultramontane and Ultra-Protestant both arose under the incantations of Lord John Russell ;; and for . the consolation of that " indiscreet" letter-writer , we are enabled to register the broad fact , so well known
to us all , that Ultra-Protestantism ^ as such , has liad the worst of the conflict , and that Ultramdntanism has gained nothing but yiptories . It is no wonder that , under the . influence of bigotry and prejudice , accustomed to domination , and timidity , the mother of suspicion * Lord Roden should present a , petition in the House of Lords from many ladies praying for an inspection of nunneries . It is no wonder that absurd accusations are made against Roman-catholic priests ,
and ridiculous stories , like those inflicted on the House of Commons last year by Mr . Spooner , are told of their doings in certain religious houses . We were prepared for all this , we expected it , and are not astonished by its appearance . But did the statesmen of "England expect it , and are they prepared to meet it ? What measures can a Derby , avowedrhater of Ireland , propose , or ^ , Disraeli ,, the recalcitrant champion of his own race , support ? We are hopeless of our
statesmen . But there is a way out of the anarchy , and it behoves all honest men to take it . That course is the plain , simple , and straightforward one of standing up for absolute freedom of conscience , including , of course , freedom of conscience for that extremely respectable body of men , the moderate Roman Catholics , and absolute liberty of publication as well as liberty of thought . At the same time , we must insist on the faults and abuses of Roman Catholicism being specifically dealt with . We must firmly inhibit all to establish civil
attempts of the priesthood power under the guise and through the medium of spiritual power . We must resist all compulsory conventual seclusion , if such exist , and to prove that such do not exist , we must have authorized inspection of all religious houses . This is no more than we exercise in tho cases ot hospitals and schools . In short , wherever there is a known possibility of compulsory detention , there the civil authorities must have free access ; for tho security of the indwellers , who , in tho eye of tho law , are not Catholics or Protestants , therefore entitled
but British subjects , and are to protection from the law . But we have no right to ignore or coerce our Roman Catnono brethren , passing laws which are an insult to them , and a disgrace to us . By no other mode , as it appears to us , can wo reconcile the Roman Catholics to tho State \ but by establishing that true catholic freedom wlncli shall include all men , not as Roman Catholics , not as Protestants , not as members of any existing religious creed , but as British subjects , bound to obey , and in return protected by * b ° laws of Great Britain .
Disorganization Among The Booksellers. I...
DISORGANIZATION AMONG THE BOOKSELLERS . In one part or other of tho trading world breaks forth , from time tp time , loud evidence that uw denizens of that world caunot patiently onaui " tho laws . which regulate , or rathor , do not regulate industry . The booksellers are now the cJoss that proclaim their Bufferings . They did not indeed moan to exhibit thoir troublo to tho I * 11 ""; but it has boon dono for thorn , by the Times , vuv Globe , tho Ilvrald , and tho Westminster J * w"T In tho last will bo found ft survey ™ , V / H intf state of " tho commorco of Literature , lnoiuuw ji tho obstructive eflbct of taxation , tho PW ^ Ji " authors , tho importation of American booKS , w regulation of tho internal trade , & o . * wm « story it is evident that more than one queano
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), April 3, 1852, page 14, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_03041852/page/14/
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