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J^A ea'kt. POLITICAL AND LITERARY REVIEW...
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"The one Idea which History exhibits as ...
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VOL. IX. No. 419.] SATURDAY, APRIL 3, 18...
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— * • ? - r have until the 19th of this ...
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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J^A Ea'kt. Political And Literary Review...
J ^ ea'kt . POLITICAL AND LITERARY REVIEW .
"The One Idea Which History Exhibits As ...
" The one Idea which History exhibits as evermore developing itself into greater distinctness is the Idea of Humanity—the noble endeavour to throw down all the barriers erected between men by prejudice andone-sidedviews ; and , by setting aBide the distinctions of Religion , Country , and Colour , to treat the whole Human race as one brotherhood , having one great object—the free development of our spiritual nature . "—Humboldt's Cosmos .
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Vol. Ix. No. 419.] Saturday, April 3, 18...
VOL . IX . No . 419 . ] SATURDAY , APRIL 3 , 1858 . Price {"^ SS fS ^ SgS ^™'
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— * • ? - R Have Until The 19th Of This ...
— * ? - r have until the 19 th of this month to ruminate the great Debby-Disraeli-Ellenborough measure for the transfer of the government of India to the Crovvn ; but , in so limited a time , will it be any marvel if we fail to discover even one tithe of the merits claimed for it by our imaginative Chancellor of the Exchequer ? Tie scheme is so large , the organization so novel jU } d unexpected . Bottom takes the place of top , aid middle is not perfectly assured as to position . Powers are given far beyond those warranted by the terms of the British Constitution ; and ten-pound householders are apparently made supreme arbiters of the fate of millions of men , to say nothing of money . Even Mr . Disraeli evinced signs of doubt whether he was making the superlative advantages of his scheme of Indian Government sufficiently clear to the perceptions of members on Friday night ; these signs , be it remarked , were most manifest when , growing gravest under the sense of the solemn interest involved in the carrying out of the project , gentlemen on the opposite side of the House grew merry—so merry that , after awhile , they began to laugh , and continued to do so until Mr . Disraeli left off speaking ; which lie did much sooner , it is believed , than he would have done but for the levity of mind exhibited by those gentlemen on the wrong side . What could they have found to laugh at in a bill for the transfer of the government of Iudia to the British Crown—a bill whioh proposes to substitute for the present notoriously inefficient system of government , a system of the organization of which the following is a very brief outline ? Supposing that tho Chancellor or the Exchequer were to succeed in carrying this great measure through tho House of Commons , mid that LordELiiENBOROUQii and Lord Derby were equally successful with it in tho House of Lords , this is how the Government of India would be administered : —There would be a * Sccrotary of Stato for India , ' assisted by a council of eighteen members , who would exert a moral control over him , against JBJJMiUhfljtfKhtd ^ ftVico-Preaidont of the Council . The constitution of this council in peculiar , and may possibly have had a moving cll'ecl upon tho riwiblo faculty of tho ' gentlemen opposite . ' Of its cighlecn mouthers , aino would bo nominated by the Crown , niul-nine would bo elected—to tho glory of tho ten-pound housohoklcr and unbounded aihniration of every
other class of electors and non-electors , no doubt . Four of the members nominated by the Crown would be supposed to represent the four principal divisions of British India , and a fifth member the diplomatic service ; the remaining four would repre-\ sent the armies of the Queen , of Bengal , Madras , [ and Bombay . Of the nine elected members , four would be elected by persons interested in India , residents , holders of 1000 / . worth of India Stock , or 2000 / . of stock in railways or public works ; the other five woulJbe elected by the constituencies of London , Manchester , Liverpool , Glasgow , and Belfast . Perhaps it was that Mr . Disraeli was hopeless of being able to get the other side of the House into a proper state of gravity for the consideration of so elaborate a work of art as this bill ; ¦ but it is certain that he made no serious attempt to do it . Having , with very unusual gravity , explained the complex mechanism of his" new machine , and drawn attention to its manifold beauties of detail , he asked for leave to bring in his bill , which leave was accorded to him—quite seriously . Indeed , by the time Mr . Disraeli had come to the end of his speech , members were very much sobered down , and some of them in an objecting state of mind , particularly Mr . Bright , who went so far as to say that he thought the elective part of the bill ' clap-trap ; ' and Mr . Roebuck , who , going beyond him , called tho whole Council ; i ' sham . ' ]? rom the spirit of these remarks , wo may form a fair guess at the spirit of the remarks which the same gentlemen and those who side with them will be prepared to make some time after the coming 12 th of Aj > ril . That the bill in its present stato has the least chance of weathering the Parliamentary storm which certainly awaits it , not half a dozen persons oven of those in * office' can believe . If Lord Palmerston ' s measure , with its Council of eight , met objection , on account of tho virtual irresponsibility of the proposed hend of tho Government , tho Council at least had real powers , for four of its number could put a veto upon tho financial proceedings of their President . Is Mr . Disraeli ' s council of eighteen , with its function of ' moral' influence , likely to give assurance ' ^ ri ^ tciM ' cspoiisimri ^ P'To ^^ lrdnrwo-thtt-oightcenrcsponsiblo P In fact , they uro responsible to nobody , and their office is littlo more than what Mr . HoeiiucK describod it as being , ' a sham ; ' for thoy have no power , can do nothing without tho wrillon sane-, tion Of tho Secretary of Sluto , who , by tho aid of his ' secret' council of two—whoso counsel ,
however , he is in no way bound to accept—can negative the whole of their proceedings , —if , under such , circumstances they should trouble themselves and him by proceeding at all . But , looking no deeper into the scheme , is it anything more than a biggish , bid for the votes and interest of the five chosen cities , thrown out with reference to the possibilities of a not undistant general election ? In the House of Lords , on the last night of the sitting before the Easter holidays , Lord Panmtjke and the Duke of Cambridge made each long statements on the subject of the condition of the Army , the moral of each speech being that the public has ' totally misunderstood the report of the Sanitary Commissioners , about which it has lately been busying itself—somewhat impertinently , according to Lord Cardigan—and the discussion has continued this week . It is curious to observe with what pertinacity military ' authorities' endeavour to talk down unprofessional — or rather ' civilian' — criticism . The knowledge and experience which will apply in every other way , are useless with regard to military affairs : a military kitchen , a military hospital , a military lodging , one and all , are beyond the comprehension of the civilian niind—if we take the opinion of military authorities as conclusive . la spite , then , of the reports of Commissioners , and of the more satisfying evidence of personal knowledge , we are called upou to take Lord Panaiure ' s word for it that , during the last fivo-and-twenty years , there has not been tho least ground T tho popular belief that tho British soldier has been ia any respect neglected . It is only another instance of public ingratitude to men who , for patriotism alone , are content to ' cat their hearts' in its service . " It is because all has been done unostentatiously the public have taken no notice of it , and arc quito in ignorance of the vast imju'ovcmcnts whiob . havo taken placo in the condition , of the soldier . " It will instantly occur to the civilian mind that this argument goes to prove rather tho bad condition of the soldier in past times than his good condition in tho present ; though to venture to suggest such nu . objection would bo to ensure instant conviction by martial luw us a captious impertinent . But there is one ground upon "which ~ ' \ V 0 "' may-atrlcast"Staud- 'l ' fice-to-l ' ac 50-wiLli-mili— — ¦ ¦————tary authority , without too much dread of conao- v r -, j , < iuenccs , for we have nu undisputed equal rigid , tp- \ - : • / v o s stnad upon it .: it id Llmt of the ' military uatiiintflos .,. v ; . ; . \ , V . y . "" ' " You bully ua about not taking nioro euro otHlie j . . „„ .. ' . I" \ f ~ Army—" mutters you know nothing ubout /^ say / i ' v .-. f ^ , J—i JL tho ' Cuimnumlcr-in-Cliiuf and Lord pANMfllifl- ; > . i " } ' ^\ - ~ ' > w "" - ^ w iM - t » xf j . ' " ¦ ' "' ' ' " / „_
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), April 3, 1858, page 1, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_03041858/page/1/
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