On this page
- Departments (1)
-
Text (3)
-
2324 T H E LEADER. [No^M.^ecember 4,1858...
-
ORIGINAL CORRESPONDENCE.
-
— ¦ —? PRANCE. (From our own Corresponde...
Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
-
-
Transcript
-
Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.
Biographies Of German Princes. No. Iv.' ...
terrible recollections of the day . when the barbarous military element revelled in these sanguinary orgies . Even at this moment , years after the suppression of the national and democratic movements of German Austria , and Hungary and Lombardy , the Emperor affects to be more the chief of ail army that holds countries in subjection :, than the sovereign of industrious populations over whose destinies he is supposed to preside . On all great political emergencies that Lave Occurred since 1849 , he . has insisted on addressing himself , in his manifestoes ,
more to his armed legions than to the people at large . To his prtetorians he best likes to speak . It is them that he informs of his course of policy . He even announces to them first whenever a child is born to his House . This almost exclusive culr tivation of the military has been bitterly remarked by the Viennese . They see with ill-concealed anger that the Emperor , since the day of his accession , has never vet appeared in public in any other garb
than military uniform , armed cap-a-pie , " from head to heel , " and closely hedged in by his halberdiers ^ They are aware—and if they were not , they are pretty plainly told—that the sovereign thereby means to let " them know how disaffected he conr siders them , and that his rale will be always by grace of grape-shot . Such a state of relations between a king and people is but little likely to result in any amount of affection .
Young as Francis Joseph is , he has already taken care to make his authority felt , not only in his own dominions , but in Germany at large , as well as in tlie Italian peninsula . His reign has witnessed a deeper humiliation of Prussia before the Austrian Court than has been the case for welkiigh two centuries past . The aged King Frederick William IV . bowed like a vassal before the beardless Hapsburg . In Italy , too , Austrian prestige surprisingly recovered itself after the severe trials to which it
had been exposed during the year of revolution . Bfodena , Tuscany , and Naples have for the last few years been linked with the strongest ties to the policy of the occupant of the Hofburg . The late Kussian war , however , delivered a damaging blow to this expanding nimbus of Austria , when the House of Hapsburg , in spite of the secret jealousy it is known to entertain for Russia , could not be brought to join the alliance of the Western Powers . The hidden motive of the hesitation then exhibited
is , no doubt , to be sought for m the apprehension prevailing in imperial councils lest the Sclavonic element , loj whose aid revolution had been crushed in 1848-49 , might turn round against the dynasty itself if the latter dared to draw the sword against the supreme chief of the Pan-Sclavists , the Russian Czar . The question has been raised whether Francis
Joseph is really at heart of those monkish predilections which pervade the famous Concordat he concluded in 1 S 55 with Rome . Many incline to the belief that he lias been influenced in this act b y a genuine mediaeval spirit of fanaticism j and , indeed , the annals of the Hapsburg dynasty afford many examples of its princes donning the cowl and cord of the Capuchin . At this very moment it is said that one of the relations of the
Emperor intends withdrawing from the outward world into the seclusion of the cloister . Still it does not appear very plain to us that the present ruler , with all his morose inclinations , would be likely to yield to clerical dictation from a feeling of religious exaltation . He has , no doubt , granted privileges to the Roman priesthood vastly more important than any vouchsafed by his predecessors . Ay , ho has set them up as a power in the State , as an imperiitm in imperio . But yet it strikes us all this lias been done more with , a Machiavellistic political object than from any bond Me religious sentiment . The Concordat , it would seem , lias a double political meaning . It was first used ns a means of weaning
the Roman hierarchy in Italy from Frenoh influence , and drawing them once more into the Austrian interest . Then it was intended , to all evidence , as a lever to stir alKthe Catholic elements of Germany in favour of the cause of the Hapsburgs . la other words , it was a great stroke against the man who , by hiq expedition to Romo and the immunities granted to the Ultramontane party , had hitherto won the praises , of the Church . At the samo time it was » means of gaining influence among the Romanist faotipn , of the Prussian Rhinolands , of Posnania , and so forth . Nevertheless , it is equally true that not only has Jesuitism made an immense stride by the aid of this Concordat towards enslaving the people of Austria , but has also placed
the throne in a position beset with nascent difficulties . Of the private life of Francis Joseph less is known than of that of any of the German Princes . He strictly avoids unnecessary intercourse . Since his life was attempted by Libenyi he secludes himself more than ever from the public eye , and is only visible on state occasions . It was said on good authority that the Hungarian knife had for a long time left its traces , not only on the body , but also on the mind , of the Emperor—that the grazing of the one had tended to craze the other . Of late , however , these rumours have been discontinued , so that he would seem to be again in possession of his faculties , which , it must be said , he has never yet made use of , except for the purpose of destroying every vestige of national independence , and annihilating the last germs , of liberty .
2324 T H E Leader. [No^M.^Ecember 4,1858...
2324 T H E LEADER . [ No ^ M . ^ ecember 4 , 1858 .
Original Correspondence.
ORIGINAL CORRESPONDENCE .
— ¦ —? Prance. (From Our Own Corresponde...
— ¦ —? PRANCE . ( From our own Correspondent . ) Paris , Thursdav , € i r . * r
DK JIONTALEMBEBT S " PARDON . The Moniteur of this morning announces , at the head of it 3 non-official columns , that " the Emperor , on the occasion of the anniversary of the 2 nd of December , ba 3 remitted the punishment pronounced against M . de Montalembert . " It may appear very ungracious to examine the motives and quality of this act of grace ; but the condemnation of the most eloquent orator and writer in France for the expression of kindly feelings towards Englishmen in their hour of trial , and when they -were proved , aa never people before were , is no longer a personal question . between M . de Montalembert and the Emperor . Were it so , it would then , indeed , be ungracious to criticise the announcement in the Moniteur . But the trial of the brilliant author of A Debate on India in the English Parliament , was a contest un < . » . ^ o . n « iA . ionitii-. ri > rv ninderatCf—freedom and most
immoderate despotism . Not only is it now established to be the law of Imperial France , by the obliging justiceship of M . Bertlielin and his co-associates on the bench , that no man is at liberty to express an opinion if it be not laudatory of the Emperor ' s Government and its lowest servants , but also that to praise the Government and institutions of another and allied country is to libel and disparage those of France . Injimdum ! Well may the Emperor recoil , aghast and terrified , at the fruits of hia victory : for " Vengeance in the lurid air Lifts her red arm , exposed and bare . "
I am very willing and happy to believe that the remission of M . de Montalembert ' s punishment was an act of kindness , prqprio motu , on the part of the Emperor ; but it is , notwithstanding , as great a political blunder as the trial . Among intelligent men the imprisonment and fine of the last defender of French civil and religious liberties are mattere of very secondary importance—even of indifference . Three thousand francs paid into the imperial treasury would not havo rendered the lover of freedom and sympathiser with the victims of Nana Sahib ' s cruelties a fraction the poorer . Rather would tho monoy have carried a gur 3 « with it . The six months' imprisonment would have been unpleasant and the
a nuisance ; but nothing more . They would , on other hand , have conferred upon the prisoner tho universal respect and prestige wluch invariably accompany the martyr to tho cause of freedom . W . de Montalembert would have been infinitely stronger in his dungeon than the Emperor upon his throne . His sufferings would have been tho theme of universal comment ; his conduct an example to all generous minds , which would not have lacked imitators , until tho prisons of Franco would huvo been too small to hold all tho victims of prostituted justice and of brutal despotism . IJo would have sprung up by his vory poniahment to bo the chief man in France , the one whoso whispered words would fill tho public ear , and whose minutqst doings all othora
would fill tho public eye , to tho exclusion of — a position moat intolerable to tho wearer of tho purple , and who can bear no rival near tho throne which is presumed to bo baaed upon popular favour and universal suffrage Independently , therefore , of tho kindly intentions of theEmporor , and of his desire to avoid tho Infliction of disagreeable constraint upon bo eminent a poraonage which might havo the appearance of vindictlvonoas , there ore political reasons for the act of grace—pardon it cannot bo called , for M . do Montalombert has been guilty of no offence , unloaa it bo a crime to express contempt for all that is ignoble and infamous —which although they may not detract from Its merits , cannot bo passed over in silence . Nevertheless , so far as the author of tho " Debate on India" is concerned , wo
may express our cordial approval of the conduct of tho Emperor . But if we make abstraction of tlieao individualities , and look upon tho question as one between freedom and tyranny— 'between two representative men ,
in fact—we are compelled to admit that the remission ^ punishment has not altered its aspect and condition in the slightest degree . The last vestige of freedom hat been corruptly and ruthlessly destroyed . The press fr more helplessly fettered than ever ; and arbitrary un reasoning , uncontrolled power exalted to a height which it never before reached , and can never agaiu surpass THE EMl'JEROU AND THE LAAV . There is proved to be no longer any security to persons in France . The sanctuary of the law has been contemptuously violated , and the office of judge has bee n degraded to that of state lacquey of the Court .
Corruption stains the ermine and makes it hideous to be hold . All respect for moral and legal authority is confounded and lost . Men hold their personal freedom on sufferance and go about in constant danger , not knowing but their first word or gesture may place them in bondage , and render their future dependent on the intelligence and equity of the Sixth Chamber of Correctional l ' olice . The bonds of society are loosened ; the rules for its government are derided by those who call themselves the partisans of order ; moral principles are fast fading into old men ' s tales , and the only law recognised is that of the strongest hand which erst ruled the
border , and bids- — " Let him take who has the power , And let him keep who can . " The throne of France is virtually put up for auction to the most unscrupulous apd most powerful bidder , and we may yet behold it o ( Ft ; red for sale by modern prretorians . Meanwhile , there is this danger —until possession by barter be agreed to—which
i is , that physical force may be resorted to , and the ! Empire fought for in the fields' of France , for in making 1 will , of an-individual the supreme law of the state all ! others have been abrogated . AVhon M . de Montalembert ! was condemned-, justice .. Hod from Trance like a new . Astrea . Should the strong will which now governs fail , it will leave a chaos behind , a confusion between right i and wrong , and all restraints to evil broken down . Then I personal gratiticatiun will have established the universal I rule of action ; the members of the same family will arm 1 against each other ; the host will betray his guest—that is done now ;—society will bo disintegrated into hostile elements , and become an heterogeneous ami unmanageable mass—rudis inili'iestaque . m » k $ . Such , at least , is
the fear of many , which deprives them of opposing . rori'LAi ! orrsios . I have said that tho grace shown to M . de Montalembert is as great a blunder , politically speaking , as was his trial . Mv reason for thin opinion is , that the intelligent classes consider it quite beside the question that was at issue lust Wednesday week . With them his c 6 ndemnation was the thing , and not the punishment . With the masses , on whose favour depends the hmjnre , it is quite the reverse . They were disposed to applaud the trial as a proof of strength . Marty thought it a righteous retribution that he should be punished under the very to look
law he himself had voted , and all are disposed upon tbe remission of the punishment , not as proceeding from kindliness , but from a sentiment of fear . 1 need not say such is not the belief of educated men ; for whatever may be the Emperor ' s failing , ^« r » f any "i . hwdiijj or for himself personally , is not one of them . Hut the people , who have been taught to behev , in P ^\ orce alone , do not understand , or at least do not appreciate , tho extension of the slightest consia-ration . an op ponent-especially when vanqmsbel . Magnan imj hey interpret by fear , and their comment runs , CJj rj-ZpercJ a f / raolc M . de Montalcmbcrt pnrcc qud en avuit pcur . " Now , to fear any one " * ?^\ £ have tho reputation of belntf poH « esse . l by foi r , w ™ greatest danger that can happen to a l' » 'f / f ^ Franco . I can only compare the cl . nrnctor ri « people in that respect to tho temper of a horsefancies the hand to tremble that holds tho Unrifc * ... n-i n .. ~ . „ . „„»«¦ » iin g . ulillt > . There innv » " n 0 T . cas , ' will empty tho saddle . There may »« - -
, soon . , to suppose a proximate exhibition of rest . ™ p ' 5 may mppen at any time when popular belief suppo * apprehensions to exist- If tho I 5 .. i | h . k > p * »* % * £ & fear , in tho ordinary acceptation oi ll ^ VT "' . '" id dread tho result of Urn-ing all tho int . oUtf « JJ £ honesty of Franco into uncompromisins lin l . ' „„ , . tility tovards himself and fit . nily —« f ° l ^ fi l 0 S and passable gulf between them and bun , » otwtt" , V' } , i , | 3 his . Great and fanatical as may bo tin b in destiny , tho question mint somotimos occur ¦ u >¦ _ m What will happen whan I am « u » o t »'" , / von . stand between the inheritor of my nnmo a mlt » ?| 1 goanco of those I havo pursued to prison «/ to ^ Tho Emperor is too wise not to know that i » u lates hatred against hlnwolf ho ii . btit honp » S ^ „„ upon tho head of lib successor—that . » "' nr 0 speet mercy , none will bo shown to him and his . * ' » l y ^ may well create apprehensions and mnplio kiiiuv
Though you should sot mo down m B " p Em peror confoas that I look upon tjiu conduct oi ti o b » tw with unmixed satisfaction and as thu onw pin | On things . I think It proveu a doforonco to I' » ' « , fl greater than ho over exhibited , and It w « I by determination not to voalwn tho Jfintf ll '^ ' ^ vftr exciting tUo hostility of the * "B" ? lV ™ ff \ 0 poy tU » tho proposition of Oambrldgo arid Oxfoia i
-
-
Citation
-
Leader (1850-1860), Dec. 4, 1858, page 20, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_04121858/page/20/
-