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632 Et)C HeabCW [Saturday,
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THE CHARTIST'S GRAVE. SoMK time ago two ...
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MONARCHY OR REPUBLIC? The great prelimin...
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THIS SHAM COFFEE QUESTION. WiiATKVicii f...
Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.
The Poor Ministers Turned Into Tyrants. ...
toleration and persecution—records a statute of proscription with the intent not to enforce it , and deliberately prepares for its own infirmity of purpose a sneaking place of future safety between threats and submissions . The Irish Mero & ers do not seem to have been able to perceive that an administration in that spirit was about the most hazardous for their country that could be imagined . " Ireland pacified , " hitherto
the vain dream of political speculators , could become a reality only through an ideal perfection of irresistible coercion , or through the most distinct , frank , and intelligible offer of freedom and fellowship with England . The Whig plan of titular coercion and practical pandering could only serve to bewilder , exasperate , tempt , and embolden the excitable Irish . Something of that sort , however , was laid down under the Russell plan of Antipopery tempered to the Irish .
The three amendments which Sir Frederick Thesiger succeeded in carrying on Friday last week , totally altered the character of the measure . It now applies to any bull , brief , rescript , & c , and is thus made a measure for tearing to pieces the Roman Catholic organization in Ireland as well as England . This change renders it a Protestant crusade against Catholicity in Ireland—a declaration of civil war .
The second amendment enforces a fine of £ 100 for " publishing" the prohibited papal documents j that is to say , in the ordinary routine of his duties , every priest of the Roman Catholic Church must render himself liable to a fine of £ 100 , and must repeatedly incur that liability . Proscription is enforced by a fine ruinously , fatally oppressive , on one of the poorest priesthoods in the world . By this change , therefore , the bill is made a physical
measure . By the third amendment the power of initiative is extended , with the sanction of the Attorney-General , —which could scarcely be refused , except upon technical grounds , —to any " informer ; " in other words , the initiative of this tyrannical measure against the Roman Catholics is placed within the power of the Orangemen ! Such is the reality with which Sir Frederick Thesiger has filled up Lord John Russell ' s Bham coercion . Now we say that , under any circumstances , it is better to deal with realities than shams . It is not
safe to govern a great empire like this upon quibbles . The nation itself , the conflicting forces within it , are stern and powerful realities—the immense numbers , the religious animosities , the party feuds , the sharp competition of classes , the terrible wants which will before long become clamorous under the pressure of " distress "—these are gigantic and terrible realities , and if we suffer ourselves to approach a period of trial with no rule but that of a pasteboard Government , it will be poor consolation for us to turn round , like the vanquished Polynesian , and beat the dolls that we have worshipped as idols .
Besides , if we permit the Whigs to erect a sham tyranny , let us remember that they can make it a real tyranny at pleasure . If there is to be a tyranny at all , let us know it as such , and buckle ourselves to the fight . By their connivance and sufferance the Irish Members were enabling the Whigs to construct masked batteries all over the country : by their defection , they have forced the enemies of the Roman Catholics and of Irish freedom to an open
and advanced attack . This is better . We have no fear for the country , while the war against freedom is open and direct . We confess that we have some fear while Irish indecision , timid Liberalism , and shopkeeping philosophy , conspire to keep the administration of the Empire in the hands of men whose science of government has degenerated before our eyes to a vast system of political chicanery . Rather capitulate to the Greeks at once , than trust the defence of Troy to Pandarus .
632 Et)C Heabcw [Saturday,
632 Et ) C HeabCW [ Saturday ,
The Chartist's Grave. Somk Time Ago Two ...
THE CHARTIST'S GRAVE . SoMK time ago two working men perished of cholera and harsh treatment in Tothill-fields' prison . Their crime was that they were Chartists—their misfortune was that they were ignorant and poor . If the general impression , if private facts , if the evidence of witnesses , if the verdict of the jury , if the testimony of their fellow-prisoners , if the dying words of the men themselves are to be believed , they were made to perish . Their lifeless bodies were given up to their miserable families ; an < l on one sad Sunday , many thousands of poor men , who almred their political opinions , followed their remains to Victoria-park Cemetery . In the same grave was laid poor tianshard , who , bo a jury
declared , was beaten to death by the police . With much collecting of hard-earned and ill-to-bespaied pence , a neat and creditable monument was erected over their graves , surmounted by a strange symbol—such a one as only poor men and British Chartists would think of selecting—a cap of liberty . It was not a reward—it could not be a crown—it was a solemn jest . But the tribute was too serious to admit of a smile .
For some months this humble grave had been a shrine , which many who had shared the daily lot of the dead had been accustomed to visit . A few weeks ago it was discovered that this memorial had been defaced . The upper part of the pedestal had been displaced , and the cap of liberty carried away . The force used in this disgraceful act must have been great . Two or more persons must have been engaged in it . One man could not have done it . It is hard to tell how it could have been effected without the connivance of the authorities there—or how the cap could have been carried away without the cognizance of the lodge-keeper . It could not be buried on the spot without its being
found—it could not be thrown over the wall without danger of killing the passer by , unless there were confederates to receive it . Complaints were made to the cemetery authorities . They were treated with neglect . Letters were written , but were unanswered . If the friends of the deceased could find out who had done the damage , then the authorities would prosecute them . This was all the redress which could be obtained . There is a clergyman at the cemetery , but the sacrilege failed to excite his sympathy or interference . Was it not the duty of the authorities to endeavour to discover themselves the miscreants who had violated the sanctuary of the dead , and defaced the honourable tribute of affection ? Had it been a
rich man ' s grave the outrage would have been made a matter of police . Respect to the feelings of the wives and orphan children who remained , as well as a proper feeling of pride , induced the Chartists of the district to see to the matter , and on Monday evening last , a meeting was convened , and Mr . Ernest Jones , Mr . Thornton Hunt , and Mr . G . J . Holyoake , were requested to address it . Before doing so , the speakers themselves visited the grave in company with Mr . Arnott , the Chairman , and examined for themselves the nature of the defacement . On
returning to the meeting , they had the satisfaction to find that a letter had been received from the cemetery authorities to the effect , that orders had been given to repair the monument , and restore it to its original state . It appears that the clergyman had himself been to the stone-mason formerly employed , and instructed him to proceed with the restoration . This resolution is creditable to the authorities and to the Reverend gentleman who had put himself to some trouble to forward its execution . Still more so is the conduct of the political friends of the deceased who persevered in vindicating the right of their dead to respect .
The story ia not without its moral , which the public will draw . The tomb of Fourier , we believe , was invaded at Paris , and no restitution of the body , which was carried away , ever made . The political or religious partisan must be left to do as he listeth against the living , and the living must look to themselves aa well as they can ; but let not the cowardly hand of . the successful oppressor be put forth to outrage the sanctuary of the dead .
Monarchy Or Republic? The Great Prelimin...
MONARCHY OR REPUBLIC ? The great preliminary debates of the Revision Commission closed last week ,, with the speech of M . Berryer and the election of M . de Tocqueville . Revision sleeps for a brief season . There is a truce of convenience between the Republicans and the Monarchists , while- the author of Democracy in Amcrica prepares his report ; while the Assembly discusses the great questions of Free-trade or Protection , and of Association as opposed to both , listening to the measured harangue of a solemn Saint
Beuve , and the clear , sparkling , statistical , yet lively oration of that simulacrum of honesty who is proud of the name of Adolphe Thiers ; and while the President reviews the t ' roopH nt Satory , renowned in the annals of a factious majority— without distributing sausages , pink champagne , boiled chickens , and cigars . The curtain has dropped on the first act of the drama of 1851 , an interlude appropriately follows , and when next the curtain rises the action of the drama will turn upon the maintenance of the Republic or the restoration of Monarchy . Wo have no fears for the Republic Thanks to
the pig-headed policy of the Party of Order , that institution is perfectly safe ; and honourable representatives who accepted the Republic on the 4 th of May , 1848 , will be obliged , much against thei r will , not to break their engagements in 1852 . Thanks to the mad ambition of the partisans of Lord Londonderry ' s " Prince Napoleon , " that astute Prince ( the " prisoner of Ham , " as he delights to call himself ) will be obliged not to break his oath . Thanks to the senile frankness of the
Count de Chambord , that gentleman will be constrained to live a quiet life , doing the regal to devoted emigres ; the heavy burden and sore vexation attendant on the Crown of France being considerately denied him . Thanks to Orleanist and Guizotine , Regency men and Fusionists;—but , above all , thanks to the brave workmen of France , who have practically wrought out the theory of Association , in spite of privation , neglect , and persecution—France , not Faction , will triumph in the end . The Republic is secure .
We may be asked , What are the grotmds for this conviction ? The question is reasonable , and the answer easy . France obtained universal suffrage in 1848 , and in 1850 France was defrauded of her rights by a majority to whose care they had been confided . France remembers this . The law of the 31 st of May is already recognized as a great blunder , and the majority are afraid to meet the constituents whom they have robbed . The press 'has been fettered ; and the press , which exploded the
Restoration , and overthrew the Monarchy of July , will yet avenge the Republic and sustain it . By the bill reorganizing the National Guard , that is , disarming the workmen , the majority have outraged the . most acute susceptibilities of the French people . And , lastly , the army , by whom alone the monarchy could be restored , would more readily follow Cavaignacthan Changarnier . These are grounds sufficient for our conviction , not to mention the division of the Monarchists into rival factions , and
their hostility to the dream of Empire . But we have other reasons The present state of the Revision question is fertile in proofs of our position . That last sitting of the commission yields most important evidence . De Broglie was compelled by " the situation" to advocate revision simply on its own merits ; and De Tocqueville improved upon his example . Both denounced , as " illusory and dangerous , " the mode adopted by the Government of getting up petitions for revision . Berryer even , Legitimist though he be ,
acknowledged the sovereignty of the people ; and only contended that if the Monarchists had a majority in the projected Constituent Assembly , they would have a light , as representatives of the nation , to establish the Monarchy ; if , on the contrary , the Constituent was Republican , he , like Odilon Barrot and De Broglie , would accept the Republic , and strive only to amend the constitution . Finall } -, the four Republicans on the commission were so well satisfied with the professions of De Tocqueville , that they gave him their votes .
These are striking symptoms of the state of opinion in France . Moreover , Revision was not at first seriously put forward for any other purpose than as a means of destroying the Republic . That ground of action has slipped from under the feet of the majority . Petitioning has failed ; in debate with their opponents , the reactionists have found that any attempt to overturn the republic would be
an enterprise fatal to them ; and they now assume a / ranknesa not quite consistent with projects of fusion and empire , and actually support revision to amend republican institutions , Such is the stute of affairs . But legal revision is impossible ; the notion of illegal revision is scouted by all the leading men ; the organs of the Party of Order have « : ven condescended to talk of a " pacific" ( solution ; therefore , the third act of the drama will bo adjourned until 1852 . Wo have faith that thu issue will be , not Monarchical , but Republican .
This Sham Coffee Question. Wiiatkvicii F...
THIS SHAM COFFEE QUESTION . WiiATKVicii fault may bo found with Sir Charles Wood on the score of want of kcii . sc or political tact , no one will accuKe him of want of obstinacy in sticking to a bad case . The ( luuntle . sN pertinacity with which he stands up in defence of lb « ChicoryTreaHiiry Minute , would be heroic in a good cause . Such boldness in favour of the wholesale Nhuin colfee trade is admirably in keeping with tbo whole conduct of the present sham Administration . If Government is to continue uh * ' an organized hypocrisy , " which maintains itself in existence by bringing forward a succession of sham measures , what more natural than , that it should sympathize
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), July 5, 1851, page 12, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_05071851/page/12/
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