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No. *** MAirfr.1853, XH^. ' fe»-Ay »¦&: ...
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VfaittntiwT /ffWvrtfcM*rt»*«mi<i» IL^UJimU ikUl ItbJJUUUtm tT* •&-
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will be found, in his despatches to Lord...
Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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The Italian Movement. [Specially Communi...
rpst ? Has the convention entered into between Sapoleon , Consul for life , and Paul I . of Russia —and which caused the latter to be strangledbeen a < rain discussed between the Strasburg adventurer and the autocratic liberator of the serfs ? A victory and a defeat will decide every question , and compel Napoleon to show Europe the real point at which he aims . For my own part , I can clearly read the acts of Louis Napoleon Bonaparte . I know him personally , from having offered him hospitality ; I have discussed with him the secrets of conspiracies , and joined him in taking the oath to combat every principle of absolutism .
Thus q ualified to judge , I have the firmest persuasion that his sole and grand aim in the present war is to annul the power of Great Britain . As a foreigner who has found asylum , subsistence , and liberty of thought and belief on these shores , I feel urged by conscience , gratitude , and religious sincerity , to make this declaration in the clearest and most unequivocal manner possible . I cannot understand how a people like the English can , with impunity , declare in favour of Austria , in the face of Europe , and thus openly oppose the Italians and the Italian movement , which Napoleon III . has guaranteed and armed himself to defend . Is not the war which Piedmont is waging a holy war ? Do not the Italians look upon it as a
look only at Italy now , we will examine the actualities in which she is concerned . The events of the past sixty years show that Italy- has been pos ^ sessedby a single idea ; liberation from foreign occupation and the acquirement ofnatiorial unity . Thousands of insane plots , five different secret societies , and thousands upon thousands of exiles will corroborate this statement up to 1848 . From the year 1849 to the present day this truth has acquired a material evidence , both social ¦ ¦ an d . diplomatic . The battle and defeat of Novara ; the Spanish , Austrian , Neapolitan , and French armies in Rome ; the conquest of Venice , and the occupation of Tuscany are historic proofs that in the movements begun in 1848 and suppressed in 1849 , Italy was attainment of national
tending towards the unity , — -thatf in fact , Italy was becoming Italy . The variety of political opinions displayed at the epoch of the general insurrection show that the Italian people , though divided as to form , are united as to substance . They are divided with regard to the means which tend ' to their end , but the end to which they tend is single and undivided ; it is the formation of Italy into a nation . The corres ^ pondence between Charles Albert and Giuseppe Mazzini is familiar to all . If the Piedmontese king combatted Austrian power and foreign domination in Italy , the Republican leader combatted it equally . The Piedmontese soldier fought side bv side with the volunteer of the Roman Republic . J ¦ . ¦ ¦ ¦ . ¦ ¦ . . P . - ;
struggle for national unity , freedom from the yoke 3 of the foreigner , liberty of belief , and the destruction of the idolatry of Rome ? Chivalric gratitude , even to the sacrifice of life , is a quality innate in the Italians . Will not the Italian people , then , feel eternally grateful to that man who avails himself of the arm of the powerful nation he commands to contribute to their independence , their political existence , and . their- free religious belief ? Nor does it avail aught to say that the destroyer of French liberty will never give liberty to Italy . Italy can but benefit , even by a change of masters . But Napoleon fig hts for Italy to obtain an ally rich in soldiers , sailors , stores and treasures . He fights for Italy for the sake of his own commerce ; he fights for Italy to secure , in case
of need , the services of 28 , 000 , 000 men to protect him against those who by means , direct or indirect , would gladly crush him . Why , when England might protect Italy , and benefit herself " at the same time , does she bring all her influence to - . bear against her ? When Italy utters the cry of liberty , why should a free people like England seek to stifle that cry ? If the _ English are urged to such conduct by miserable jealousy , away with their boast of progress and civilisation I Do they fear a check to their commerce ? Commerce bears direct relation to wants , and wants are greater in time of war than of peace . Do they fear lest the equilibrium of . Europe should be affected ? That is a word not a thing . What is it which prevents England from availing herself of the Italian movement for her own benefit ?
from making such a preponderance , tend to her own utility ? Nothing but her journalism . The press , mainly monopolised by men whose good faith is in their own purses , —the press , clad in the colours of political party , with few exceptions , betrays and misleads the people , and flatters and blinds them by reasonings utterly unrEnglish and unworthy of England . My sole object in thus writing is to trace the
events connected with the Italian war with the utmost impartiality , deduce from them whatever is calculated to advance the interests of this great people , and place Englishmen in a position Jto judge of Italian and European events with accuracy , unbiassed by party feeling , and uninfluenced by national jealousy . In this nineteenth century , prejudice of race should give way to humanity and desire to promote general enlightenment and progress .
It is disgraceful prejudice to dwell in these days upon differences between Teutons , Magyars , Sclaves , Turks , and Mongols . Scientific discoveries have reduced distances , brought nations noarer together and nullified distinctions . At this day the nations form a single people—humanity . If a country cajla itself civilized , yet acts upon egotistical prinoiples , it will do well to remember that the errprs of nations are not atoned for like those of individuals , but that they entail destruction and political annihilation . These ideas being premised , as aids to judging of the great events which now ocowjjy Eui'ope , it will bo well to keep them in mind in reference to the various nations individually , as well as to the interests of Europe in general . To
No. *** Mairfr.1853, Xh^. ' Fe»-Ay »¦&: ...
No . *** MAirfr . 1853 , XH ^ . ' fe » -Ay »¦& : ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ 535
Vfaittntiwt /Ffwvrtfcm*Rt»*«Mi≪I» Il^Ujimu Ikul Itbjjuuutm Tt* •&-
(^ t | irjinnt ( Komsjrotttfence .
Will Be Found, In His Despatches To Lord...
will be found , in his despatches to Lord Malmesbury , that he denied , up to the last , the French Government were arming ; so that any reproaches for the . failure of diplomacy , in being informed , on this head should be transferred to Lord Cowley . His lordship has believed whatever the agents of the French Government were instructed to tell him '} he tpbk no pains to ascertain for himself , and discredited all private information . He affected to sneer at John Bull ' s invasion panic , and asserted to the last the good faith and peaceful aspirations of the Emperor . If peace is to be maintained between France and England the presence of an English ambassador here is essentially necessary ;
and as Lord Cowley , it is stated , is about to leave , with Lord Chelsea to remain behind as Charg d'Affaires , it is to be hoped that some one of weight in the counsels of Europe , whose perception is keen enough to pierce through foreign intrigue ,: and whose nationality is strong and vigorous , will be appointed to the post . Would his age permit it there is no one so competent , or who would have so much authority , as Lord Lyndhurst , and his presence might render a prompt return to peace possible . I have alluded to this subject because it is mortifying beyond measure to hear the representative of one ' s country ridiculed Ambassador is said not
on all hands . Our present to have maintained the dignity of his country , to have allowed himself to be played upon by both Emperors , and to have gone to Vienna without any authority beyond that he derived from his own conclusions . He is the laughing-stock of all people—• the butt of an immensity of small wit . Although Lord Cowley failed , England may still prevent war . A letter in the Queen ' s own hand to both Emperors will secure a suspension of arms . The vanity and pride of Napoleon and Francis Joseph will be flattered . If we can only obtain a suspension , reference td a Congress will be practicable , and peace
. . . . THE RESURRECTION OF PARLIAMENTARY SPIRIT IN FltANGE . It cannot , be taken as any reflection upon the courage and' military ardour of the French nation to state that the war is not so popular as certain partizahs de la guerre a tout prixwould have the world believe it is . Independently of the personal adherents of the Government , and of the revolutionary or advanced republican party—whose motives are sufficiently transparent to induce the State to pause before embarking on a course which is applauded by its opponents , and which must bring into full play and vigour elements that happily for society
which , we are assured , is not a treaty ; but his crowning merit is the accident of his birth which disfigures his escutcheon with the bar-sinister . M . de Morny ' s claim to rule France ' s figment of a Parliament , and to administer her home affairs , rests upon the fact that he is the brother of the Emperor —on the wrong side of the blanket—being the offspring of the loves of the Queen Hortense and the Count Flahaut , who subsequently married Baroness Keith . With ! such strong recommendations in his favour , it will surprise no one to learn , that this gentleman , so illustrious by his birth and deeds upon the Stock Exchange , should be promoted to rule the domestic affairs of France in the absence of her Emperor , He , it appears , is the only one that can be implicitly trusted , and is therefore to be invested with the presidency of the ministers in the
FRANCE . Paris , Thursday , 6 £ p . m . ailXISTERIAL lUFFCULTIEi ? . . Straxoe as it may appear to say , it is nevertheless true , that : France is on the eve of losing the distinguishedof soine of the most ardent supporters of the imperial regime among the present ministers . M . Delangle , it is believed , will withdraw from the Home office into the calm and tranquil retreat of the Senate , to be recompensed by a life pension of j £ 1 j 250 a year , and to be succeeded by that illustrious statesman , that eminently successful picture dealer , and marchand de brie a brae , that clever stockjobber , and lucky racing man , the Count de Morny . This gentleman is tbePresident of the Corps Legislatif , and was the negotiator of that convention with Russia ,
place of M . Fould , who will preserve the direction of the finances—for his opposition to the war has given dire offence—until it is convenient to dismiss him . - The only obstacle to the nomination of % l . de Morny to this high office that is likely to arise , is from the Palais Royal , or , in other words , the Prince Napoleon , who is the sincere advocate of the English alliance , while M . de Morny infinitely prefers that of Russia , ' for certain weighty and golden roasons . The nomination of the negotiator of the Russian convention , therefore , cannot bo viewed in any other light tlnui as hostile to England , and the only way to neutralise its ill effects would be for Lord Derby to appoint Sir Robert Pool British ambassador to Paris . If your roadors remember the Tarn worth criticism upon the Russian mission , they will understand tho importance of the proposed change . J . OKP COWJC-ISY' 8 KESIONATION . Indocd , it is high time that some change in this respect should bo made , and that without delay , for . despite t )) o flattery which both Whigs and Tories have heaped , up ' ou the present representative of the British Government , his lordship is roally not strong enough for the place . Lord Cowloy has Uved so long abroad , that ho has grown quite cosmopolitan , and is almost ashamed of being an Englishman . You will remember with what supercilious indifference , with what haughtiness , ho treated tho representatives of British industry at the French Gra > at Exhibition of 11855 . Ever since January his lordship has acted in tho same spirit . I believe it
are latent—independently of these two classes , I repeat , I doubt if among the rest of the nation there are any honest advocates of the war . To the manufacturing interests , vulgar and selfish as M . de Morny may deem them , it is excessively distasteful , for war will inflict additional burthens of taxation , already very impatiently borne , and will considerably reduce production—consequently profits . To the agricultural interests it is no lesa obnoxious , for its first result is to enormously diminish the supply of labour , of which there is already so grievous a scarcity in all the agricultural provinces . The imposition of new taxes to carry on the war , and which cannot be much longer delayed , exhaustedwill
for the system of credit is well nigh , awaken the hostility of tho peasant-farmers , upon whose support the Empire is founded . Even now significant murmurs are hoard in tho provinces against the new policy , " which takes our money and our men . " On prend nos hovnncs ct on prend noire argent . As the " take" becomes broader , deeper , and more often , it is difficult to see how the feeling of discontent can be prevented from growing important . The shopkeepers in Paris , view . the war with apprehension , not to say disgust , for their trade depends upon foreign visitors to tho capital . Among the bourgeois , the house-proprietors look upon it with , dismay , and oven alarm for their personal sufetv . especially , should tho Emperor ,
obeying his warlike instincts , assumo the command of tho army of Italy . They pretend , with what foundation I do not pretend to say , to fear annoyance , if not something worse , from their tenants , when tho personal vigilance and strong will ot tfto Emperor cease to watch over their snfotv . I fancy not oven tho most warlike and less scrupulous writers in tho Futric will have tho courage Msssl rss s ^^^ ss ^ js SM 1 s uKuicd o » d emasculated report in to-day ' s Moniteur is undeniable evidence to tho contrary . Las Wednesday ? M . JBrallo Olllvtor . who-r tu for ono of tho electoral districts of Paris , and wnp is supposed to represent that section of tho republican Dartiy whoso literary organ is tho now war ^ ko Sz 5 , satod after roffrdtting that the Government ? f the Emperor should have agreed to negotiate upon the basis of tho treaties of 1815 , that ho ft » d
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), May 7, 1859, page 19, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_07051859/page/19/
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